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I Gall No. 
Acc. No. 


Aif\ l/\ I 

D.G.A. 79. 

GIPiX— S4— 2D. G. Arch. N. D./57.~-25-9 58-~K00,0OO. 

■4 mPf^OBSTHAIN & Co 
h Ofiental Booksellet^s, 

' A ^ .Great Russell Street 

Rritlsh Museum, 




FOR THE YEAR 1891-92. 

/■ : I, ii 







- 4 ^e^ 

STiANGHli, HONaxcoK^ 

KELLY^;s r:3fe^^^ 

London : — Ategsrs, Tr&bneh & Co., 57 and oi), Ludgate Hill, E.O. 
Paris AL Ernest Leboux, Hue Bonapart<», 28. 

Berlin K. F, Kohler’s AiitifiURi^’HDu. 

W \ 


om .. : 

LIBR... I... 

Aic. No ^10 iO 
dftll Nd B3t o 

.. ..CGI®iA 
: .-LMi. 


The Pish'Skiii Tartars 





A Comparative Table of the Ancient Lunar Aaterisins 

... U 


fl « * 

... 80 

Militant Spirit of the Buddhist Clergy in China 


... 108 

Notes and Queries 



... 121 

Proceedings : — 

Meeting of 11th May 1891 

... 129 

„ „ 22nd June 1891 

... 141 

Council’s Report for year 1890-91 


... 174 

Treasurer’s „ 


... 177 

Curator’s „ „ „ ... 


... 180 

Librarian’s „ „ „ ... 

... 181 

Meeting of 9th November 1891 


... 182 

„ „ 24th „ 


... 186 

„ 29th January 1 892 ... 


... 190 

„ loth February 


... 207 

„ ,j 30th March 


... 210 

„ „ IstJune „ 


... 213 

Councirs Report for year 1892 ... 


... 216 

Treasurer’s „ ,, 


... 218 

Curator’s .. „ 

... 221 

Librarian’s ., „ „ ••• 



List of Members „ „ „ 


... 237 

A Classified Index to the Articles printed in the Journal 

... 246 

Catalogue of the Libmry 




(at end of ralum-e) 



Pe Groot, J. J. M., Pli. D. 


Fraser, F. H. 


Haas, Josejjli 


Kin^smill, T. W. 

44, 121, 120 

Yolpicelli, Z. 

80, 127 



Considerable attention has been attracted to Siberia of late 
years by several causes. The adventurous voyages of Captain 
Wiggins up the Yenissei Eiver to within a few hundred li of 
China, and his support both by the llussian Government and 
by the British Foreign Office ; the building of the great 
railway, so interesting to foreign residents in China, both 
from the political possibilities with which it is fraught, and the 
personal consideration of a three weeks journey to England, 
with the Channel the only salt water to cross ; the attention 
of late given to gold mining both by Chinese and Russians ; 
and the Korean question, so intimately connected with the 
Siberian. It is a land, says Savoein, where everything that 
man can need is found in abundance, — a Canada in reserve 
which is destined to relieve the over-crowding of Europe for 
centuries. It has rich arable land, fat meadows, iron, silver, 
gold, copper, lead, and precious stones. In the rivers are the 
otter, the beaver, and fish in such abundance that they can be 
in places scooped out in buckets full. In its woods are sables, 
squirrels, martens, foxes, ermines. Had not its exploitation 
been left to the enterprise of private conquistadores like Ebmak 
Timof^yevitoh and Khabaropf who sought rather their own 
benefit than the permanent advantage of the State, there is 
little doubt, as Ravenstein observes, that the Amur colony 
might have be€n made a wealthy, populous, and prosperoug 



colony two centuries ago. At present the population of about 
40,000 Eussians and 24,000 natives have on an average each 
6 square miles of elbow-room. It is now quite a long time 
ago since I was called upon to translate from Eiissian the two 
interesting monographs of Y. P. Margaritofjf — published in 
1887 and 1888 by the Yladivostock Society for Promoting 
the Knowledge of the Amur Eegion — on the Orotchis, a tribe 
who may be called a sort of poor relatiom of the Manchus who 
rule this huge empire, the other on kitchen midden remains, 
found in the Amur Gulf near the Sedimi Biver. Margaritoff 
is a specialist in skulls ; but although he devotes much of his 
two pamphlets to anthropological subjects, yet there is much 
in them which it is hoped will be thought of general interest. 

Mr. M. Yeniokoff, of the Eussian Geographical Society, 
in the Eussian work^ describing his travels, which he was 
good enough to present to this Library, says that he found 
his knowledge of the language of the Goldi enabled him to 
understand the Orotchis, as the two peoples have a great 
many words in common. The pronunciation, he says, differs 
considerably: the Orotchis say for nam%b (sea), 

for Ufa (river), and generally soften their words. He 
extracted a vocabulary from the Travels of La Perouse, but 
unfortunately lost it before he could verify it on the spot. 
Mr. Yeniokoff’s guide, who was acquainted with almost 
every Tungusic dialect, — more especially Transbaikal Tungus, 
Solon, Goldi, and Mangun, told him that Orotchi was more 
like to Solon than to any of the others. He says the Chinese 
call the Orotchis Erh Tao-tsz. The Chinese immigration, he 
says, does not extend beyond 46° H. lat. 

The country Yeniokoff describes as aland rich in wonderful 
natural harbours, rivalling even South Australia in this respect, 

' * V%te8hettmja po OJirainam Rmskoi Azii i ZapisU o mkh^ p. 88. St. 

Petei’Bbuj-^ 1868, 

THs mm-SKm tabmbs. 


called by the Russians Beregevoi Klmhet^ the coast range. The 
Sikhota Alin parades the narrow strip of land lying along 
the Pacific, here called Gulf of Tartary and Sea of Japan^ 
from the basin of the Ussuri and the Amur Rivers. To the 
west of the Sikhota Alin range flow these two great rivers^ 
soon united into one, the Amur, in a nearly due north direc- 
tion, with only a trifling inclination to tlie east. From; the 
Sikhota Alin flow eastwards into the Pacific those minor 
rivers by which the Orotohis and Goldis trap the sable and spear 
or net the salmon and the sturgeon. This great mountain range 
thus plays in Siberia much the same that the mighty chain 
of the Andes does in South America. It is, however, not of 
such a regular wall-like shape, being more Alpine m character. 
Its crest varies in distance from 25 to 80 miles from the coast. 

Tlie Orotohis, a Tungusic tribe, formerly occupied the part of 
Russian Tartary extending from the shores of Peter- the- Great 
Bay (Zalif Petr-Yelikl), lat. 42^ N., long. 132° E., to Do 
Castries^ Bay, lat. 51° *28 N., long. 140°*49 E., and from the 
upper affluents of the Rivers Ussuri and- Amur to the Pacific. 


Here surrounded on three sides by peoples of other type, they 
have undergone in the course of time an ethnological modifica- 
tion, their contact with the Matichm^ a people of far greater 
culture, having worked the most powerfully in that direction. 
In the neighbourhood of Vladivostook (42° N.) there are now 
no pure Orotohis, and indeed up to about 48° North latitude; 
the Orotchi type, expressing the outer life, and the language 
expressing the inner having been gradually so changed by 
Manchu and Chinese influence, that even the Tungusic origin 
of the race is hard to identify. 

The transforming influences from the West and North have 
been less marked, but have been nevertheless so effectual iiat 
the primitive appearance of the Orotohis now remains intact 

* in 1787, after tke Mimster of^Madne iot. Srano^ 



only north of 48^, and moreover only along the coast. For 
this reason Mr. V. P. Maroaritoff, from the Russian of 
whose work the following is a translation , considerably adridged, 
was instructed by the Society [Amur Province Scientific Ex- 
ploration and Investigation Society] to proceed as far North 
as 49*^5 to Port IraperiaP (Imperatorskaya Haven] , to study 
the pure Orotohij instead of to any point nearer Vladivostock, 
the head-quarters of the Society. This entailed a sea voyage 
of about 800 miles. Messrs. Shevbleff and ShuliI^gin gave 
the explorer a free passage there and back in their steamer 
‘‘A. K. Wolden,” and the Society voted 400 rubles for his 
equipment — which included objects suitable for barter with the 
Orotchis for objects for the Museum — and for hire of guides, 
drivers, etc., in the course of his explorations, which extended 
along the course of the rivers Koppi, Tundji, Rhode, and Ve. 

The most costly objects acquired were men’s and women’s 
costumes, and shaman paraphernalia, but the dearest to the 
explorer’s heart were 17 Orotchi skulls and one skeleton, which 
were obtained gratis^ but with much risk and trouble, as the 
Orotchis (he naively explains) “ like all semisavages^ are ever 
ready to take up arms in defence of the tombs of their 
ancestors.” These skulls of Orotchis, for the first time acquired 
by the Vladivostock Museum on this occasion, he considers 
most important aids to our knowledge of anthropology, the 
more so as some of them were obtained from very ancient 
burial-places. Of the manner in which he obtained one, he 
speaks [on p. 30] in a manner which it is very painful for one 
not an anthropologist to read. 

^ Tkis place is marked on old . . . maps as Barracoiita Bay. The 
“Barracoata” was a British war steamer which took part in the inglorious 
Siberian campaign of the English and French during the Crimean War. It 
was in Port Imperial that the greater part of the allied forces were lying 
when on 1st July official confirmation of the conclusion of peace arrived in 
the far north-east. The first Russian Settlement, named Konstantinoffsk, 
was estahlished here only in 1858, It was abandoned during the war, but 
re-oooupied afterwards. It is closed by ice from Ijfovembifr to middle of May. 



SoHRENK, when he visited the Amur River in 1854, found that 
the modern Orotohis extend from De Castries Bay, R. 51^*28, 
E. 140'^*49, to St. Olga’s Bay, N, 43-^-^, E. 135\ having the sea 
for their eastern boundary, and for their western the upper 
waters of the Ussuri and Amur, consequently they inhabited 
the western as well as the eastern slopes of the Sikhota Alin 
range. South of these, z,e, on St. Olga’s Bay, and further 
south, lived Orotchis who had become considerably changed 
by Manchu influence, and were known by the Mauchu name 
ofTadzi. They lived by the Ussuri and extended even to 
Vladivostook. These Tadzi have shifted their boundaries since 
to further North, and now live on the R. Nelma, falling into 
the Sea of Japan and called by them the Shamarga. Though 
these Shamarga Tadzi (or Tazi) withdrew from a condition of 
subjection to the Mandzi to further North, they have never- 
theless lost the pure Orotchi type, and their language has been 
so changed that they are not easily understood by the Port 
Imperial Orotchis. Mr. Margaritoff saw two Shamarga 
Tadzi who were at Port Imperial en route northwards to 
Nikolaevsk to buy goods. These could talk with the Orotchis, 
but not perfectly intelligibly on either side. They shave their 
foreheads and wear two queues ; their costume and their boats 
resemble those of the Mandzi. In a word, they are no longer 
Orotchis, but an offshoot of the Orotchis ; the real Orotchis 
extend southwards only to the River Botil, where there is a 
village of 8 yurts of them. 

On the other aide the western Orotchis, living in the im- 
mediate neighbourhood of the Goldis, have mingled with the 
latter and adopted some of their peculiarities, and although 
they are acknowledged by the Orotchis of Port Imperial 
as Orotchis (‘‘Amur Orotchis”) they are not thought quite 
the same as themselves. “ Amur Orotchi, ” said an Orotchi of 
Port Imperial, “a little Goldi, a little Orotchi, bat not Orotchi 
and not Goldi catch fish, very stupid, sell sables all same me, 



pray all same Orotchi, and steal all same Qoldi.’^ These 
‘^Amur Orotchis’’ live on the Rivers Dongdong, Khnngar, 
and generally on the western slopes of the Sikhota Alin. 
These rivers flow down from it into the Amur, which here 
flows nearly due north. 

The Orotchis speak also of Amur Giliaks, still further North. 
‘^Giliak/’ however, in the mouth of an Orotchi speaking to 
Russians, means all natives anything like himself. Mau- 
GARITOFF was surprised when the first Orotchi he asked what 
he was, at Port Imperial, replied Giliak.” [This custom 
has led to errors in Russian maps.] At last he succeeded in 
eliciting the information that generally speaking the Orotchis 
live at Port Imperial, the Orotchons on the Amur, beyond 
Khabaroffka, the Goldis on the Amur near Khabarotfka, the 
Giliaks away North at Nikolaevsk and the Tazi atShamarga 
and past it. 

According to Schbene, the northern neighbours of the Orotchis 
are called Olitchi. Among the Orotchis themselves dialectic 
differences are apparent between places only distant a few miles 
from each other, thus some call the sable Nogo, others Noso ; 
some call the bear Mapa, others Mafa ; — (it may be said in 
passing, that Mapa is mafa^ grandfather or ancestor, the tiger, 
whose beat extends to 51^ N. lat., being known also as 
‘hnafa,”~Sakhale Mafa, old black grandfiither). They believe 
in a migration of souls, in which the tiger and bear play a 
part, and this belief is thought to be typified in some of their 
idols, half-beast, half-man. The Bear-Feast is not attended 
by the women among the Orotchis near Port Imperial, while 
further north among the Orotchis living along the Tundja 
River the women take part in this characteristic sport and 
ceremony. Their whole number, men, women and children, 
living at Port Imperial, and 70 miles round it, is only reckoned 
at 318. Even this is higher than the number given in the 
Eneydopedia Britannieay which.states4hat in*S880 the whole 


nation of the Orotdliis oiily numbeted.260. !Ihey are evidently 
the remains of a large tribe^ for Sohkenk mentions villages even 
the names of which have now passed from the memory of the 
natives. Their chief occupatioii is trapping animals for fur, 
and catching fish, principally salmon. As the Tundja is the 
only river in this district up which fish ascend many miles to 
spawn, it is only along the Tundja that the habitations of this 
Tungusic tribe are found far from the Pacific Ocean. Although 
the Russian authoidties are endeavouring to make them into a 
settled people, the nomadic habit ingrained in the race for 
centuries is hard to change. The necessity of storing and 
curing fish to make the ijiihola on which they mostly subsist, 
has always made them build some sort of permanent loft for 
that purpose, and a separate temporary dwelling for himself, 
the yurt. In these cold, smoky and filthy-smelling dwellings 
disease plays havoc among the natives, and they are no doubt 
the cause of this tribe having become so few in number now. 

If the master of the hut is a shaman^ there are seen near 
his yurt his idols, sticks carved into the shapes of bears, tigers, 
man, etc. An Orotchi village or settlement (sdUmdin Russian) 
consists of 6 or 7 such miserable houses, built by a river, and 
each generally built end on to the prevailing wind. Each 
village has about 50 half wild dogs, whose barking, and howling 
as they fight over their food, thrown to them occasionally, is 
deafening. Nearly every one has a smith’s anvil, bellows, 
etc., and makes his own rough implements such as knives, but 
arrows and spears are made by their regular arrow-smiths, 
who make also silver ear-rings, rings and bracelets. The 
Russian soldiers even entrust their rifles to these men when 
they require mending. 

The food of the Orotohis is probably anything they can get^ 
barring snakes^ which they think unclean. Partridge^ fish, 
deer, crow, seal, squirrel, — none of these come amiss to them. 
Bear is the faverite meat; they are fond of v^etaHes, which 

8 THE nm-BtIB TAHTAtlS. 

they taste but rarely, but hitherto the orders of the Russian 
Government, which has directed them to plant kitchen gardens, 
build good cottages and keep poultry and pigs, have been 
almost a dead letter, as the people are so incurably lazy. Their 
iron kettles, and their tea-pots come from Manchuria; they 
drink a good deal of tea, and use chopsticks. Soup as a rule 
they despise, throwing it to the dogs, the only soup they es- 
teem, is a kind made offish-heads, mixed with reindeer or seal 
fat. The yithola (cured fish) plays the same part there as bread 
in Russia. They have a custom, similar to what pres'-ails 
among certain South American aborigines, of chewing the 
yukola and expectorating the juice into bowls ; with some 
wild berries added : this is considered a savoury dish to set be- 
fore a guest. Altogether the children are often given raw 
fish-heads to suck ; the practice of eating fish which has not 
been either cooked or cured, so common in Japan, or raw 
meat of any kind, is almost unknown, except in cases of urgent 
necessity, as when out hunting, etc. 

Skins of large fish, especially the whale and salmon {Sahno 
gibhosus, gorbiisha,”) are used for clothing and foot-gear. 
Having neatly stripped off the skins of the fish, and dried 
and smoked them oAmr the fire-place which is found in every 
hut, they fold them up any way, into as small a compass as 
possible and cram them into a groove two inches long and 
one inch broad in a thick beam of wood. They then set to 
work and hammer the dry skins with a very blunt iron axe, 
or a wooden axe made specially for the purpose. This softens 
the skin and makes it fit for wearing. The most ornamental 
skins are those of the Kuldja fish, which has dark spots ; 
this makes pretty gala dresses for children. It is only women 
and children who wear complete suits of fish-skin ; the men 
make little use of it except for foot-coverings, as for winter 
hunting it is too cold, and, not resisting water well, it is unfit 
for summer hunting and fishing, which brings the man often 



into tlie water or under showers of rain. Chinese cotton cloth 
(ta-pn) is the principal material used for clothing, and in 
winter dog-skins and occasionally fox-skins are w^orn. Many 
dogs are reared for their skins* Dogs are also said to be 
roared for this purpose at Newchwang. Bed-covers, rugs, 
etc. are made of bear, musk-deer and reindeer skins. Sable 
and fish otter are only used for ornament, and then only by 
comparatively wealthy natives. An Orotchi with great stores 
of valuable furs will sometimes buy for large sums from the 
Mamlzi wadded khalats and even sheep-skin robes. The 
Orotchi man’s dress consists of tlie following: A klialat of 
or other material, coming a little below the knee, with 
fastenings doing duty for buttons all the way down, the upper 
part crossed across the chest ; favourite colours, white and dark 
blue, soiLetimes cimiaiuon coloured. A collar and fxcings of 
a different colour. A few wear a cotton shirt beneath, and 
sometimes a man will wear two Jchalats, or robes, the older of 
the two outside. Breeches, and spatter-dashes coming half 
way up the hip, as we often see among the Chinese. A belt, 
with side thongs for the spatter-dashes. The latter are some- 
times made offish-skin, seal-skin or fur, according to the air 
temperature to be guarded against. In winter a sJiaha, or skin 
robe shorter than the Jchalat^ is wmrn. Shoes principally of 
fish-skin, occasionally, liowever, of musk-deer fur for winter, 
and dressed reindeer hide for summer. Shoes of reindeer or 
fish-skin, with soles of reindeer skin, are worn in summer, for 
fish-skin soles would soon wear out on the hard ground ; but 
in winter, when the Orotchi goes generally on snow-shoes, he 
wears fish-skin soled boots. He is generally hatless, but dons 
a conical broad-brimmed birch-bark hat for rainy w'eather. 
In w'inter, a little cap of skin from reindeer’s or musk-deer’s 
legs, and a scarf of squirrels’ tails, rolled round liis neck and 
head outside his cap. In his cummerhund he carries two knives 
in birch-bark qy leathern sheaths; one — long, narrow, and 


a?HE I'iSH-SitlN tABtTARS. 

pliable — serves as a gimlet, plane^ etc., the other — shorter 
and broader — to cut his food, and for coarse work generally. 
He. carries a birch-bark tobacco-pouch in his bosom, made 
fast to a coral running through his top button-hole. A few 
well-off natives have silks, but these are principally used for 
being looked at and admired, and not worn* They are given 
in exchange for wives by men marrying ; and Makgakitoitf 
says he found in tombs silk and even brocade. 

Women’s costume differs little from men’s : it is of course 
more ornate in style and of brighter colours, and it is adorned 
with brass plaques \ favorite colours, yellow and red, light 
blue and cinnamon are also used, the rule being that the 
facings are of a different bright colour from the ground-tint ; 
ear-rings of silver an inch across, with bright coloured stones 
attached. The rich wear three or four of these big ear-rings 
in each ear, and a few wear small nose-rings. This custom is 
very common on the opposite coast among the North American 
Indians. A few wear bracelets and rings. 

Sable hunting forms the principal occupation of the Orotchis. 
It is not only their business, but their support and pastime, 
of which all the men are passionately fond. Margaritoff 
wished to take to Vladivostock as a servant a 15 years old 
boy, who had hunted sables one winter only. He offered him 
seven roubles a month wages and his clothes, and promised 
to send him home again. There can do sable business?” 
he asked, and when Margaritoff said No,” the lad refused 
to go, saying ^^I will stop along you summer. No want 
money, only want do sable business. ” Another instance : 
Mr. Blomster, a fish-dealer, has a workman, who is an orphan 
with no home of his own ; he engaged this man on the condi- 
tion, without which he could never have obtained his services, 
that he should have leave in autumn and the beginning of 
winter to go a-sable hunting. 

. The trappers’ season begins about 1st OotobemSth October) 



with the first snows. Then the Orotohi, having equipped 
himself for the chase, or before he begins to do so, goes out 
into the lonely taiga ( taiga means the world ) to pray Anduri 
for help in his undertaking. This every man, whether nomin- 
ally orthodox Greek Church Christian or not, never fails to 
do. If he can get some flour, he ( not his wife, but himself, 
in this instance ) makes about 2 lbs. of it into a cake with 
berries and seal or reindeer fat. Some pounded yuhola often 
has to do duty for the flour. Alone in the vast taiga^ he 
kneels and j)rays : ^‘Anduri, Anduri, I am a poor Orotohi, 
often sick, feet sore, hands sore, cannot go long way in taiga^ 
send my traps good large sables, make me shoot reindeer, 
catch musk-deer, etc., etc. [ as explained to Margaritoff in 
broken Russian]. He then scatters the cake north, south, 
.east and west, and if he has any vodka, he pours out a libation 
of vodka. That whole day the Orotchi does no work of any 
sort, and next morning he is off into the taiga to set his nets 
and lay his arrows. He takes with him 4 lbs. of chopped 
yuhola in a little fish-skin bag, 4 inches by 5, and a bit of 
brick tea ( kirpishnil tchai ) and a tea-pot or kettle (tchainik). 
He has on a short sliuha of dog-skins and long warm gaiters 
of sed-skin ; he wears an apron of fish-skin to keep his skirts 
from wearing out, and he carries a portable yourt^ or tent, if 
he owns one. Much hunger and cold he endures, so equipped, 
in day-long wanderings over the trackless taiga. At night 
he sleeps in the little tent, in which he builds a fire ; or else 
he buries himself in a hole in the snow for shelter from the 
wind ; and so he wanders on after sables till bis provisions are 
exhausted. Then he turns back, and does the return journey 
of several days without provisions I One Orotohi said they 
sometimes gorged themselves with food before setting out, 
and then made the whole expedition, sometimes lasting six or 
seven days, without taking any provisions with them at all. 

In autumn, "Vhen the whole taiga is white with snow, but 



the rapid rivers are not yet iced over, the Orotchis catch the 
sobles with nooses [pJenhi), The phnka is a cord wdth a 
noose. Knowing the habit of the sable to cross small water- 
courses by trees if any liave fallen across them, the Orotchi 
throws sometimes as many as 20 such bridges over l)is stream 
and lays on each what (Siberians call Biplenka, 

Here it is necessary to explain that each Orotchi family 
inherits from its ancestors a stream on which that family has 
ext•lu^ive rights of fishing and trapping ; and often they wnll 
journey long distances to fish in their own preserves. The 
sable running over the beam in order to cross the water, finds 
his road barred when half over across by a portcullis-like 
arrangement of little sticks leaving only a hole large enough 
for him to run through. When once he has entered the hole, 
he releases the fiistening wliich keeps down a hair noose 
attached to a bent stick; the stick straightens itself in an 
instant, and the animal is killed by hanging. 

This is considered the best trap both because it does not 
injure the fur, and because the sable dangling on high over 
the water is out of the reach of foxes and other animals for 
several days if necessary till the trapper arrives. With other 
traps, he sometimes finds the prey half eaten by foxes or 
ravens. When he has set his traps, the trapper goes away for 
a day and night, during which he generally prays to Jbiduri 
for good sport. The next day he returns, lakes out any sables 
caught and resets his traps. With the exception of a few 
visits to his home for a twenty-four liours snooze, the Orotchi 
is occupied with his noose-traps the whole of autumn. When 
the rivers get frozen over hard, the 'ple)ika becomes useless, as 
the sables then cross on tlie ice and have no need of a bridge. 
The Orotchi now sets his spring-bows. In China also these are 
used. At a Russian brick tea factory between Teiiping and 
Kienning, np the Min River from Foochow, I saw in 1877 
the skin of a huge snake 16 feet long, whichTiad been killed 



in a spring-bow trap. A long string connected with the ex- 
temporized trigger which keeps tlie bow bent, is stretched 
across the animaFs run^ and made fast to a tree. The bow is 
I’aised on a rest elevated more or less from the ground in pro- 
portion as the animal, for whose heart the arrow is intended, 
is large or small, — for a reindeer, two feet; for an otter, 
less; and for a sable still less. Other sable traps are made in 
holes’ in trees about three feet or less from the ground. A 
bait is put in the hole to which is attached a slender stick 
which props up a heavy beam until the sable himself shakes 
out the support, brings down the beam, and is crushed to 

Roving over the taiga on snow-shoes all winter, as he does, 
the Orotchi makes war on the sable with gun and bow as well 
as with trap. When his sharp dog puts up a sable, it endea- 
vours to tree the game so that its master may kill it with a 
bullet or an arrow. When the game hides in a hole, still 
another trap, the bag-net comes into play. The hunter with 
stamping and yelling scares out the simple sable, right into 
the net, and then dog or man makes short work of him. There 
are no wolves or racoons near Port Imperial, but the fox, 
otter, musk-deer and squirrel are also hunted for their skins 
as a secondary oceupatiou, by the Orotchi on the campaign 
airainst the more valuable sable. The fox is sometimes shot, 
but generally killed by poison or cauglit by dogs. The 
Orotcbis get from the Goldis drugs for poison prepared by the 
Manehus. Of late they Iiave been getting a little strychnine 
from Russian traders. The otter’s habit of always leaving 
the water at one favourite landing-place makes it easy to shoot 
him with the spring-bow. The squirrel is not held to be 
worth a charge of powder and shot, or of special traps, and is 
caught anyhoxo and anyioliere. Deer are not much hunted, 
but a pair of soft antlers are sometimes dried and sold to the 
Gpldis, the sou^Ilern neighbours of our Orotcbis. Near Port 



Imperial musk-deer are in great abundance, and their musk 
is sold not only to Goldi and Mancliu, but also to Russian 
traders. There is a special trap for these animals. The 
musk-deer, treading on a platform round which is laid a run- 
ning noose, tilts up one end of one of the loose boards, and 
by so doing releases the catch which holds down the bent 
small tree to which the noose is attached. The tree straight- 
ens itself instantly, carrying the deer aloft suspended by the 
legs in the cruel lci$o. The elk, spotted deer, bear, wild pig, 
two kinds of seal, and sea-lion (sivoutcJi) are hunted for food 
as well as for their fur, as are also occasionally lynxes. The 
elks’ young horns and downy wool are sold for mattrasses. 
The §ea-lion’s hide makes tough and enduring leather for 
straps. The boar is considered the most noble game, and the 
bear the most dangerous. The elk and reindeer are generally 
killed with spring-bows ; the seal and sea-lion with gun and 
with arrow. In spring, when, as the Orotchis declare, these 
beasts do not dive when wounded, they go after them in large 
boats with guns. As the seals at all other seasons dive, they 
then steal among them at night and harpoon them from small 
boats. They never throw the harpoon until they have shouted 
and awakened the game from its sleep. If the harpooned seal 
makes for the sea, the hunter has to cut the rope, otherwise 
he follows in tow. Where there are no natural basking and 
sleeping places, like flat rocks or trees just awash, the Orotchi 
builds some in the water to attract the seals. The bear and 
boar are killed with the bullet or thrown spear. Young 
bears are sometimes caught alive, reared till three years old in 
cages, and then become the central figures in a hear feast and 
are killed and eaten. Fur-trapping is getting worse and 
worse every year owing to the drying-up of the small water- 
courses ; so at least, aver the Orotchis. Even the seals whose 
watery environment, the sea, is more stable, are becoming 
rarer; the white seal has now almost disappeared frpm tbe 

tSK fisfl-giecT tAitAbS. 


neighbourhood of Port Imperial, leaving only the spotted 
variety. With land animals, more exposed to the severity of 
the climate as they are, the ease is still worse. ^Frequent 
forest fires, winters with excessively deep snow,* silting up of 
rivers, are steadily diminishing their number. All these 
misfortunes have come upon them, so they believe, with the 
coming of Europeans and especially of Russians. They even 
go so far as to lay the appearance of new phenomena like 
thunder at the door of the Russians. Every native when 
asked how many sables he trades away in a year, will 
religiously inform the questioner that before they knew Rus- 
sians and other foreigners who come in steamers, sables and 
all kinds of game abounded in the taiija^ but are now getting 
fewer and fewer. There can he little doubt that the immense 
prairie fires are the principal cause of this diminution, as they 
burn not only their lairs but the animals themselves. As in 
California these fires are generally caused by the carelessness 
of Europeans, to whose minds the welfare of the taiga^s vege- 
table and animal life does not present itself as an object of 
such vital importance as it does to the native hunter’s. A 
keen and sturdy hunter can still get in a year, say 70 sables, 
30 foxes, and 75 head of other game; a hunter of middling 
capacity say 40 sables, 15 foxes and 50 other game ; a lazy 
or weak man only 10 sables and say 20 head in all of other 
animals. The Orotchi boats are of various kinds. The biggest, 
a sea-boat, of five stout long planks, forming the bottom and 
sides, with prow rising about 18 inches higher than the sides; 
a rough attempt at a swan figurehead adorns the bow. When 
only one man is rowing, as for instance when they are casting 
out nets, the bulwarks are lowered by removing the upper 
side planks, leaving a smaller boat of the same shape, but 
lower and narrower and with a more salient prow. Wooden 
nails are used, and seams are stuffed with thin laths caulked 
with boiled moss. These boats are about 10 ar^him^ or 



23 feet long, by 5 feet broad. They sit very lightly, drawing 
less than 4 inches, and carry up to 5 men and 50 poiids^ or 
1,800 lbs. of cargo into the bargain. The omorotcJika, or 
dug-out” canoe of pine, poplar or willow is so crank that 
a tyro capsizes in a few strokes. A doiible-bladed paddle is 
used, except when creeping after seals, when the short paddles 
are held, one in each hand. The canoe is about 14 feet long, 
and just broad enough to sit in ; it carries 360 lbs. of cargo 
besides, the paddler. There are in addition river boats 
(ulmak)^ with rounded bottoms, looking like long troughs 
afloat. A false how protects from reefs and snags, and 
prevents the boat dipping nose under when propelled against 
the current. In such boats the Orotchi does all his summer 
flittings, and his sea and river fishing either in what the 
Eussians call an artel^ or company of workmen, in the big 
boats, or alone in the light canoes. 

The whale ” and the gorbusha {Salmo gihhosus) are most 
sought after by the fisherman, ^ whether armed with net or 
spear. These are both fleshy fish, good for making yiikola 
out of, and are easily caught en masse owing to their habit of 
swarming up the rivers to spawn at regular seasons, moreover 
they spawn just at the time of year when the Orotchi is not 
taken up with his favourite trapping and hunting pursuits 
and has consequently more time to devote to the preparation 
of yukola. The Tceta^ first described hj Pallas under the name 
of Salmo lagocephalus^ is really a salmon ; he passes most of 
his time in the deep sea, and comes as far up rivers as he 
conveniently can to spawn at fixed seasons. Hoiv he lives 
there we are never very likely to know, but this much we can 
hazard, that he rarely goes far from the mouth of the river in 
which he was horn, and therefore does not journey to the 
Arctic Ocean and hack as some suppose, but that both old fish 
and new-batched little ones, when they descend the rivers 
again, only swim as far as the sea, and pick <up their nourish- 



ment there near the mouths of the rivers till spawning time 
comes round again. Indeed, Brehm says that science has now 
abandoned all the old ideas about immense sea-voyages made 
by salmon, herrings, etc. The salmon make their appearance 
about the mouths of the rivers in June, and from then till the 
middle of September they ascend the rivers in three swarms, 
separated from each other by a short interval of time. In 
the district surrounding Port Imperial the first swarm begins 
about 15th June and goes on till the beginning of July. 
About ten days later, say 20th July, begins swarm No. 2, and 
goes on till about 1st August. Then after another couple of 
weeks interval begins the third swarm. By middle of September 
the salmon have q[uite ceased to pass up the rivers and are 
beginning to come down again. The last is the biggest 
swarm of the three, and the first is the smallest, but the first 
contains the best fish. The first is not a swarm in the strict 
sense of the word, as the fish do not go beyond the influence 
of the sea-tides. The hta at this time looks fresh and lively; 
his scales gleam like silver, his gills are rosy, his jaws straight 
and firm, his teeth hardly visible, his flesh of ruddy tint, and 
able to stand a long sunny day without going bad. The hetd 
of the first swarm salt down excellently both with regard to 
flavour and with regard to keeping qualities. 

About 20th J uly begins the second swarm. The first ascend 
in great numbers and seem eager to get into fresh water, 
being caught now miles from the sea. They are no longer 
fresh and vigorous ; their silvery scales are wanner, their gills 
more dusky ; dark irregular spots appear near their fins ; their 
upper jaw projects forward and bends down, their teeth are full 
grown and some of them bent backwards. The flesh has lost 
its rosy colour, and goes bad in the sun in 12 hours ; and the 
second swarm salt down, but by no means so well as the first. 

About 20th August all the Orotchis who have been pre- 
vented by lazineSs or other causes from laying in a stock of 



axcellent first and second swarm, first for yithola^ make 
vigorous onslaught on the third swarm and third-cdass fish 
which have gone much higher up tlie rivers than their 
.predecessors. This third swarm are, indeed, ready to brave 
■every obstacle in their rage to swim higher up the rivers. 
They are no^w so changed that it is difficult to believe that 
they are the same sort of fish as the first swarm. They have 
grown a dirty piebald colour with dark gills, distorted jaws, 
.and large hooked teeth. They look nnhapjDy and seem to 
have no ambition for anything but to get farther from the 
sea. The flesh of this last swarm exposed to the sun goes bad 
ill a few hours. 

These changes in appearance are common to all the salmon 
tribe at spawning time, and are due to many causes, food and 
water, light and warmth, but principally to the spawning 
itself. Margaeitoff saw keta which had been caught at the 
time of the second swarm fully two miles from fresh w^ater, 
and had already deteriorated in the manner above described 
even in the sea. The fish of the first swarm are still fresh 
and vigorous, perhaps because younger and spawning for the 
first time. The fish of the first and second swarms undoubtedly 
return to the sea, but many of the tliird swarm die. Tlie 
Orotchis say in June the old fish come up, in July younger 
ones, and in August the youngest of all, which are spawning 
for the first time. Maegaritoff is inclined to believe that 
this is true, and that the fish of the third swarm, the August 
swarm, of one year, become the fish of the second, the July 
swarm, in the next year ; the fish of the second become the 
fish of the first in the next year, etc. He cannot believe that 
an animal so high in the scale of creation dies immediately 
after it has performed the function of reproduction, as some 
believe. He would like, however, before expressing a decided 
opinion, to have this (jnestion answered : does the jawbone 
phange, .or on]j the gums and tepth? Ifnho latter be the 



case it may well be that the same fish return within a year, 
or within two years still more possibly. 

The gorhusha (Salmo gihhosus) is very like the heta (Salmo 
logocephahis) but smaller, and therefore more quickly made 
into yuhola^ and more in request among the fishermen. It 
spawns in the same way, in three swai^ms, but each a little 
earlier than the keta. Thus between the two they are swarm- 
ing up the rivers all summer. The gorhusha has smaller 
scales, and when salted down has a coarser taste. The 
Orotchis say that when the first swarm of gorhusha is abund- 
ant, keta will be not so numerous as usual, aiid when small, 
heta wdll be abundant. 

The gorhusha^ s changes are still more marked than those of 
the keta, A hump appears on the gorhusha of the third swarm, 
an inch higli, beginning at the back of the head and sloping 
down gradually to the tail, which makes the fish look half as 
big again as it generally is. Worms sometimes appear in the 
hump of the flabby gorhusha^ of the third swarm, even during 
the life-time of the fish. 

Another species of salmo^ tlie tchuma^ is in size half way 
between the two preceding species, from which indeed it is 
scarcely distinguishable. It does not undergo changes dur- 
ing tlie spawning season, or, more accurately, no one has yet 
observed such changes in this fish. It swarms twice. It salts 
down best of all the salmon, but is in too small quantity 
to be an article of export. 

The skin of the kJioyoy a fish like a large pike, makes good 
material for clothes and boots, and its flesh is excellent eating. 
Its mouth is so big that it swallows down entire without 
difficulty a bait composed of a gorhusha nearly five inches 
broad by eleven inches long. It spawms in fresh water, but 
does not go into the rivers for that purpose in shoals. It is 
sometimes harpooned from canoes. Herrings and cod are 
numerous but ndl much sought after j the latter grow to about* 


18 lbs. weight ; children too young to go sable hunting catch 
them with hook and line. 

Nets are made of the fibres of a sort of nettle growing in 
low places near the sea. The stalks are picked in autumn 
when quite mature, and in winter the women pound them in 
grooves like those in which fish-skins are pounded and made 
soft and supple. The fibres are then spun with a distaff* like 
flax, and twisted together into the thicknesses required for 
ropes, cords or nets. The men complete the manufacture of 
the net themselves, and as soon as made boil it for two or 
three days in reindeer’s blood to make it, as they suppose, 
last the longer in salt water. This boiling gives the nets a 
ruddy colour. The dr’ag net is a good deal used. Some na- 
tives of Japan squatted on this coast during 1883 and carried 
off large quantities of fish. 

The Orotchi often sells his furs, musk, etc. for money, and 
he knows pretty accurately the pro})er price in money to ask, 
and will not lower it. But on the other hand, he often has to 
barter, or truck his goods for others, for tobacco, tea, powder, 
lead, flour, metal pots, pans, etc., guns, cloth, and so on, and 
sometimes he may wish to barter for ear-rings, buttons, 
necklaces, etc. In this case he is invariably cheated by the 
trader. Say he values a sable at 6 or 8 roubles. If he does 
not want goods, but wants money, he will not sell under 6 or 
8 roubles, as the case may be, but once let him be in need of 
goods, and he is swindled into taking two roubles worth of 
tapa or even half a rouble’s worth of gunpowder, 

as the equivalent of a sable-skin, which is worth 6 roubles, 
and thinks he has made a good bargain. Sable, fox, and 
otter skins, and also musk, are the principle objects of this 
traffic. The average price paid for a sable skin is 5 roubles 
in money or 2 roubles worth of goods, say for instance 3 lbs. 
of powder and 5 lbs. of lead. A fox-skin is sold as dear as a 
gable. Other skin costs 1 rouble the tchetveft ; an otter-skin 

TfiiJ FlSti-SKlH TAil^AE^. 

weighing 5 tcJiet verts costs 4 roubles, etc. The musk from a 
full-grown deer, 3 roubles, or sa.y rouble in tincck. These 
prices of course vary; in 1888 sables were 3 roubles each at 
Nikolaevsk, and a musk bag rouble 75 JcopSks, 

As yet only one Orotchi travels with furs for sale, although 
the Russian Government are trying to induce them to do so. 
He not only journeys with his own furs to Nicholaevsk, but 
he buys up furs from others before he starts. Ordinarily the 
merchants come to Port Imperial from the Amur to get them. 
The journey by land can only be made in winter, when 
sledges can get about ; at other times of the year the roads are 
impassable. The sledges, long narrow vehicles called nart^ are 
drawn by dogs. Each merchant travels with a train of 3 or 4 
of these narfs. The traces for coupling so many dogs are 
about 20 feet long. Ten dogs can easily track 20 pvds (over 
700 pounds) of goods and the driver’s weight into the bargain. 
The driver sits astride of the sledge, with snow-shoes on his 
feet rather shorter than what are used for journeys on foot, 
steers with an iron-pointed pole, and shouts to the two leading 
dogs in a peculiar vocabulary which they perfectly understand. 
There are three roads, the first passing a little North of 
Habaroffka, by the Doudon or Neikhe, an affluent of the 
Amur River, the second by the Khungar River, and the third 
over Lake Kizi and Rivers Yai and Muli. 

The Russian Government is endeavouring with some success 
to educate Orotchis into traders who can take their own goods 
to Nikolaevsk and other places for sale, for at present these 
simple people are, as already mentioned, badly exploited by 
certain Russian traders as well as by other Asiatics such as 
Nandza and Goldis. 

All the Orotchis of Port Imperial and neighbourhood are 
nominally Christians of the orthodox {ie, Greek) Church, and 
a few of them know how to cross themselves, but their ideas 
of the Christian teligion are of the vaguest. Missionaries of 



tlie Greek Church have been among them three times ; the 
last time was eight years ago^ so none of the children under 
eight years old have been christened with Greek names. A few 
own a cross hidden somewhere away. In some of the I'emote 
districts the grown-up people, accustomed to using their 
Orotchi names among themselves, have difficulty in remember- 
ing their Christian ones ; when they meet foreigners, one will 
stammer out, for instance, after looking round the rest for 
some one to prompt, Trilka (Kirilka^ “Little Cyril”). Each 
in secret follow^s the pagan religion of his ancestors, Mar- 
GARITOFF gives suoli details on this point as follow, wdth some 
diffidence, as although he did his best to check the information 
received from one native, by questioning many others in suc- 
cession, religion is a hard matter for two people imperfectly 
comprehending each other’s language to confer about. 

The Supreme Power is called Auduri ; to Anduri they pray 
for food, help, and counsel in visions. They consider Anduri 
to resemble a man in external appearance. [This is the Man- 
elm word Enduri, which appears to correspond rather with 
the Chinese word and along the Amur and Ussuri River 
Enduri is the word used,] Anduri is the Anduri^ or Spirit, 
par excellence, wdio dwells in the sky, called Boa Anduri, the Boa 
being the Mongol word. There are secondary gods who serve 
the supreme one; thus Temu^ God of the Sea, Kamtchanga, 
God of the Mountains and Heaths (taiga). As sea and wild 
desert are all that the Orotchi has to look upon, it is natural 
enough that he should have only these three gods. In their 
minds Temu and Kamtchanga are not only less powerful, 
but less magnanimous, than the supreme god of the sky Bolt. 
^^Andiiri,” said a native to Mabgaritoff, “ ordered Kamt- 
changa to watch over the taiga^ and not to allow it to be 
spoiled or made use of beyond our necessities.” Kamtchanga 
too jealously guards what is entrusted to him, and he is even 
mrwilling to allow the poor hunter to take anything out of the 



taiga at all. When the Drotchi prays to Anduri^ scatters 
his cakes and pours his vodka on the ground before starting 
on his winter sable-luints, the cakes and vodka are to propitiate 
Kaintchauga, the prayers are for the great Boa Anduri. In 
like manner before beginning the summer fishing the Orotchi 
addresses a prayer to Anduri, and throws into the sea or I'iver 
old yukola and cakes for the jealous guardian of the deep 
waters — ^Temu. 

The inferior deities of land and sea have both been seen 
by men. 

Once a rich Orotchi strolled into a great forest to gather 
fir-cones for his pastime, fie soon had a whole bagful of them, 
and sat down to eat nuts under a tree, but as he was not very 
hungry, he threw away more than he ate. Suddenly appeared 
Kamtchanga like a colossal man, and saying ‘‘Why are you 
stealing the fir-cones?” took the poor Orotchi hy the shoulders 
and carried him away into the mountains. After a time 
Kamtchanga arrived at a deep rock, which had a cleft in it ; 
the cleft widened, and Kamtchanga, with the Orotchi on his 
back, entered. Inside he found himself in a large, handsomel}" 
furnished yurt ; there, said the narrator to Maruaritoff, were 
many mamkas (women) and many children. The Orotchi was 
frightened and did not know what he ought to do. Luckily 
he remembered that Kamtchanga, by order of Anduri, w'as 
forbidden to touch the blood of human beings ; he took out 
his knife and cut himself in the breast, and smeared himself 
all over with his own blood. Kamtchanga seeing what a 
sharp customer he had to deal with, wanted to get the better 
of him ; so he rolled him up in birch bark so as not to get the 
blood on his own hands and carried him off to a stream to 
wash him. He left him in the water a long time, then picked 
off his clothes, put on clean ones which he took off himself, 
took him back to the rock and gave him some meafc. The 
.Orotchi knew tlfat if be ate it Anduri would. cease to protect 



him and he would never see his home again, so he refused 
to eat it in spite of all Kamtchanga’s invitations and even 
threats, and feiwently prayed to Anduri. Seven days passed 
without the Orotchi daring to eat or drink anything. At last 
Kamtchanga got irritated at his obstinacy, fearing he would 
die of hunger, and carried him to the place from which he 
had taken him. The Orotchi threw away all the nuts with the 
bag, went home and related the adventure, adding, ‘^Anduri 
preserve me from seeing Kamtchanga again ! ’’ 

Temu, God of the Sea, has also been seen by human eyes. 
Once on a time there was an old Orotchi who lived with his 
old wife and a young son 20 years of age. They were well 
off, had many sables and silk robes. One day they went out 
in their canoes to get seals ; the old man paddled a little 
ahead, his son behind. Soon they saw some seals ; the old 
man went in chase of one, his son of another. After a fruit- 
less chase the father stopped, looked round, and could not 
see his son. He thought he had capsized, but neither canoe 
nor man was in sight ; he went ashore, and there also found 
no traces of the youth. Days passed, and he did not return. 
Two years passed ; the old couple were worn and thin with 
care and hope deferred, and still continued their search. The 
third year one day they were in the very bay where he was 
lost ; they sat weeping on the rocks and praying Anduri to 
help them. Suddenly Temu appeared sitting on some rocks 
not a stone’s throw from where they were ; he appeared as a 
gigantic man with long white beard, and asked, ‘^Why are 
you weeping so bitterly?” The old man having overcome 
his natural first terror, told the story of their loss. Then 
Temu told him that his son was alive and with him, Temu, 
and if the old man wanted to see him, let him within the 
following night build a new yurt on the shore, and his son 
would come to him in the yurt. Having declared these 
conditions, Temu threw himself into the sea^nd disappeared. 



Tte old man sent Ms old wife off home, and set to work 
at the yurt. The woi-k was ai’dnous, but hope gave him 
strength, and it was built before the dawn. The old man 
then lay down in it exhausted and tried to sleep, but suddenly 
the door opened and from outside a cradle was thrown at his 
feet, enveloped in cloth and tied with a rope. He unwound 
the cloth, turned down the coverlet and beheld a baby just 
like his son had been in infancy. The delighted old man 
took it to his wife, who fed it with fish. The child grew 
bigger, not every day but every hour, and in two years was 
reproduced the lost son of 20 years old ; and all lived happily 
as before. How this son bad been, when he was lost, in chase 
not of a real seal, but of a huge fish in whose jaws was the 
dwelling of Temu. ‘‘Tes,^’ said the Orotchi narrator, '^any 
Orotchi might see Kamtchanga or Temu, but to see Anduri 
“one must be a Great Shaman,'^^ The shamans are almost 
identical with the medicine men of the American Indians. 
A Great Shaman must be a man who can bring himself by 
enduring torture to the necessary insensibility of nerves and 
contempt of earthly comfort and convenience. He begins by 
burning in the ever-smouldering fire of his yurt a kind of 
grass, giving out a stifling blinding smoke. He half closes 
his eyes, or binds a fillet before them so that his internal 
contemplation may not be disturbed by visible objects. He ties 
round his waist a short red canvas skirt fastened with a girdle. 
The girdle is hung with dangling jangling iron rattles, 
“corals.” In his left hand he takes a drum over two feet 
broad made of the skin of a young reindeer, and in his right 
a flat roller wound in the dressed hide of an elk’s foot. 
Standing just inside the door in the stifling smoke he begins 
to smite the drum in slow single strokes to announce that 
the shaman fit is coming on him. Soon from his mouth 
mysterious whisperings of sounds issue understood by no one, 
not even by himself, Cho^ Cho^ Cho^ SM^ Shi^ and sg 


on, interspersed ’witli hideous bowlings, and the boom of the 
drum. Then there is a lull, after which the horrible sounds 
begin again, louder than before, as the shaman rushes round 
and round the fireplace in a kind of three-time dancing step, 
first striding out long with one foot, then after two little steps 
striding out long with the other foot. His body quivers ever 
more and more violently, and the iron ornaments hanging 
from his belt clash loudly together. The noise made by a 
shaman when under this influence, whatever it is, may be 
heard more than 3 miles away at night over the silent taiga. 
At last, fearfully yelling, he ceases to run round the fire, takes 
up his stand at the door again, and beats himself on the 
head or on the trunk. He then starts off again on his wild 
polka round the fire, and after half a dozen circles stops 
and punishes himself again. After an hour of this maniacal 
conduct, his face looks disfigured, his eyes look teriible, sweat 
pours from him, his long howls have become hoai’se broken 
yelps, which combined with the rattle of the iron and the 
hollow boom of the drum, work on the nerves of any one 
who has not seen a possessed shaman before, with terrifying 
effect. Finally the shaman^ with a parting bang on the 
drum, hurls it from him, gives himself a mighty blow on 
the head and rolls exhausted on the couch. His family make 
him as comfoxi^able as they can and stow thim away to sleep 
or meditate, and not till the next day is he asked what 
communication he received from Anduri. In some cases the 
shaman^ especially if a woman, falls ill or goes mad after 
a nocturnal of this nature. Margaritofb was shown 

a woman, an ardent shaman^ who one day after such a fit 
forgot her mother tongue, spoke in one unknown to the 
Orotchis and only two months afterwards began to pick up 
her own language again word by word as infants learn. 
What would she have become if her husband had not removed 


all her shaman paraphernalia out of her reach and absolutely 
forbidden her to shamanize ? 

A seer who considers himself to have received inspiration 
during his raving, sometimes will preserve a morose silence 
on the ensuing day, and sometimes will impart to his tribesmen 
a prophecy, say how many fish there will be next season — -few 
or many — ^will a ship arrive, etc., etc. He sometimes guesses 
right, and of course the oftener this occurs, the more convinced 
he becomes of his own capacity, and the more he is honoured 
by the rest. He is called to see the sick, to divine where a 
lost article is, or to point out a course to avoid threatened 
misfortunes. A shaman in repute grows naturally a regular 
drone, who does nothing but shamanize. It is as curers of 
diseases that the supernatural abilities of one of these sooth- 
sayers are most in re<juest. The shaman soon after a fit 
visits the patient, and ordinarily prescribes the making of a 
wooden idol — a bear, swan, tiger or other representation — and 
the setting up or hanging up of the same in the place 
indicated for that purpose, where the patient must see that 
the idol is well provisioned with frequent offerings of fat. 
Such idols, often suspended at the end of long poles, may 
be met in every village. Some are large enough to be called 
statues, and these, located in special enclosures are apparently 
worshipped as gods. The prescription is scrupulously followed 
until the patient either recovers or dies ; in the latter case, 
the explanation is ready ; the patient has not accurately enough 
carried out the injunctions communicated to him by Anduri 
through the medium of the shaman. There are but few 
shamans credited with power among the Orotchis ; the most 
renowned ones come to them from the Goldis on the Amur 
River ; there are many who go through the forms described 
above to obtain inspiration, but they are not considered to 
have much success. The Orotchis say plainly that these men 
are humbugs ; when an Orotchi proper makes night hideon^ 



with his drumming and yelling, they are apt to mutter 
to one another, So-and-so has begun to play the fool,^^ A 
prophet receives small honour in his own country. Under 
the influence of Christianity, or perhaps to please MARGABiTor’F 
as a Russian official, many Orotchis spoke of the practice 
to him as charlatanry, and even named the influence at work 
as not Anduri, but Amha ^ — that is to say, the Devil. Of 
this evil power they conceive that he is all-seeing but not 
all-powerful. He is ever watching for a chance of doing 
people an injury or thwarting their designs^ Another name 
for him is Ganki, but this is more used of men as a term 

of coarse abuse. The evil spirit which dwells in gloomy 

forest depths, in deserts and in abandoned ruined yurts is 
Shaha\ but this demon can only injure those who trespass 
on his domain, and ^‘molest his ancient solitary reign.” 
Margaeitoff found it impossible to get the people to say 
much about the native theories of the order of the creation of 
all things, and the first appearance of man in the world. 
“Perhaps Anduri made it all, and he knows,” they said, 

“but we Orotchis do not understand anything about it.” 

It is a subject which they prefer to evade if possible. Mae- 
GAEiTOFF has in this connection arranged the following stories 
in the order which they appear to him to have, though he heard 
them separately, as he believes them to form a connected series. 

(1.) — A long, long time ago, there were three suns in the. 
sky ; it was so hot then, no one could live on the land ; there 
were men, and there were beasts, but the men lived in the 
water, and could walk on the air. At last men or a man 
grew tired of this aquatic existence, and took bow and arrow 
to shoot at the sun. At last two of the suns fell to his shots, 
fell hissing into the water and were extinguished. The earth 
became cool enough to walk upon, and presently grew clothed 
with the taiga. The porous or spongy stones still found on 
some of the mountains are a relic of these fiping hot times, 


Such stones had evidently once been so heated that they were 
actually in flames. 

(2.) — Another legend has the shooting of the two suns, but 
adds that then man lived like a wild animal, with neither 
clothes nor cookery; other animals lived with him in company 
and he knew no more how to speak than they did. All the 
rivers had two currents, one flowing ^along each bank, in 
opposing dii^ections ; the wind blew from all quarters at once, 
the trees were hard as stones, and stones would burn like 
trees. In short, all was in a chaotic state. It was the otter 
who prevailed on Anduri Boa to change all this. The otter 
was then a land animal ; she was swimming a river with her 
cub ; near the middle the otter was carried one way, and her 
cub in the opposite direction, and lost in spite of her efforts to 
keep him in sight. After looking long for him she went to 
Anduri and besought him to order things better in the world, 
telling him of her loss. Then Anduri commanded the otter 
to live for ever after in the water, only allowing her to pay 
visits few and far between to the land and watch how other 
animals live, and Anduri then introduced the system and 
order which we know now, set man at the head of all animals 
and gave him the right and the power to control and make 
use of them. 

(3.) — At the beginning man lived quite like the animals, 
uttered the same cries, and no man feared or obeyed another 
man. There was no order then. Then Anduri divided the 
animals into kinds ((fenera), and put man in a class apart 
and at the head of all. The man built a pirt and lived 
in it at first all alone, catching fish and sables and praying 
Anduri to give him power over all living beings. One day 
the duek (Kiotcha) came into the yurt and laid her head on 
his knees as he sat. At first he was minded to kill her, but 
seeing her so gentle and fond, he kept her and fed her weU 
instead, At lasf she grew very large, could imderstand 



what the man said, and even began to utter sounds much 
like human speech, till one day she put on clothes, and 
became a woman, of whom the man made his wife. In a 
few years they had a son and a daughter. 

(4.) — At first death among men was unknown, but one day 
a young Orotchi, the son of a shaman^ crawled up a high rock 
to get the eggs of a sea cluck. The rock was high and slippery, 
and coming back with the eggs he slipped, fell, and was killed. 
The shaman murmured that only his son had died, when no 
one else died. Then he had a shaman fit lasting a long time, 
and at last he went away to the mountains, dug a deep pit in 
the ground, and said : Let deep pit be the road to Bunni 
Boa,” Le. to the unseen life where all must go sooner or later. 
Bunni Boa is another world containing land, taiga^ sun, water, 
and supplying without labour eveiy thing a man can require. 
Those who go to Bunni live there a very long time, then they 
die. there and their souls rise like smoke to this upper world 
again and are re-incorporated in new-born children. In the 
nether world, besides Bunni Boa, or paradise, there is also 
Okki Bo^ where those who have led bad lives meet with their 
deserts. In Okki Bo^ it is always dark, cold, and famine- 
stricken. The roads in the nether world are windinor and 


difficult, and it is only the souls {miya) of the good who can 
find the road to Bunni ; the bad always come upon Okki. 

The Milky Way is said to be the tracks of the snow-shoes 
of a mythical personage who was allowed by Anduri to search 
there for his lost parents, when parents and children were first 
parted by death. The first duty of the relatives is to shave 
the dead, to wind face and head in a kerchief, generally a 
dark blue one, and to put on the body its best attire, and the 
second to cut or tear the collar of the coat, the pantaloons at 
the knees, and the chaussure at the toes, so that he may have 
to receive a new costume when he reaches Bunni, the unseen 
nether world. If the departed was rich, some silken cloth or 


brocade which he owned is wrapped outside him. Rich and 
poor alike are wrapped in birch-bark, sometimes three or four 
turns being taken, the object of this being to protect the 
corpse from external moisture. Birch-bark is also spread at 
the bottom of the coffin, and heaped up inside before the lid is 
put on. In it are laid beside the body its property, spear, 
arrows, knives, and the body of any sable, otter or fox which 
tlae man left behind him. Axe and kettle are also laid there, 
the kettle stuck on the feet. The canoe, harpoon, snow-shoes, 
etc. are laid outside the coffin close to it and surrounding 
it. In the coffin of a shaman are deposited all the para- 
phernalia of his profession, but first broken and rendered 
useless. In the coffin of a woman are laid her feminine house 
gear and appurtenances. The Orotchis believe that the spirit 
of the departed hovers round his ancient dwelling for a fortnight 
among his I’elations and acquaintances, therefore nothing which 
belongs to him is touched during that period, while when food 
is taken or tea drunk, his cup and platter are also filled, and 
placed before his accustomed seat in they^^r^, to be taken away 
each time after the repast and poured as a libation in the 
taiga. Some people carry the food to the coffin during this first 
fortnight, and leave it there till the time for the next meal, 
when it is changed, etc. 

When the two weeks have elapsed, all the property which can 
he used is taken by the relations for themselves, and all which 
is useless is burnt. The vessel which held the food is left by the 
coffin. The coffin is made of larch planks secured with wooden 
nails. It stands between 2 and 3 feet above the ground, resting 
on wooden supports, except in the case of children, when it is 
sometimes placed in the fork of a tree. When the family has 
many working hands, a shed is sometimes built over it. A 
very few of these frame-houses are of pyramidal form. A few 
are built like a small round conical topped yurt. These sheds 
are generally placed over the bodies of the drmmi^ With 



regard to the drowned, it is a custom if the body is not found 
within 2 years, to carve a wooden image in the likeness of the 
deceased, cofBn it and give it sepulture under these small 
conical yurts. 

So many of these have been burnt in forest fires during the 
last 4 or 5 years, that the Orotchis are beginning to bury their 
dead under ground, generally defended by planks from the 
attacks of wild beasts, but sometimes in a boat. They are 
always laid to rest face up and head to the West^ with hands 
stretched by their sides. 

Marriages are conducted on strictly business principles. The 
previous life of the bride is not carefully enquired into, and the 
existence of love is considex’od superfluous. The one essential 
is that the price — the kalilm — be forthcoming. It is not 
necessary for the young people to have seen each other before 
the nuptials, and a match is often pre-arranged by the parents 
while those who are principally interested are still children. 
It is only those who are without parents, and who are not 
in dependence on older relations, who can choose for them- 
selves ; and the number of girls to choose from is so small, 
that independent swains are generally glad to get anyone, 
without exercising their right of selection. The number of 
women is so small that there are many unmarried men, as the 
wives are bought up by the most wealthy, one of whom will 
sometimes even keep 3 or 4, but this is rare, and the sub- 
sidiary wives are generally left by the man’s brothers who 
have died. Some rich men buy women to be ready as wives 
for those who are now only children, and hence a wife is often 
nearly twice as old as her husband, A poor father sometimes 
sells a daughter when she is just out of the cradle. The 
earliest age for marriage is 17 years for a boy and 12 to 14 
for a girl ; but the match is often pre-arranged and the money 
paid long before that. The price is sometimes taken out in 
labour^ and a lad will work in a house where is growing up 



a little girl who will one day be his wife. In some cases, 
the debt is not paid by tlie time the marriage-day arrives^ and 
he works on for his father-in-law till lie dies. 

Tlhehxlian (price of the bride) is generally made up in sables, 
silk, and domestic utensils, as pots, tea-kettles, choppers, and 
in provisions — yukola^ tea, flour and so forth. About 50 
sables, three })ieces of silk and a kettle make up the avoi'age 
price of a bride ; of course some are dearer, some cheaper 
than tliis ; when once bought she becomes the property of the 
husband’s family, and if he dies she becomes the wife of his 
youngest brother, and passes into his yioi with her children. 
Failing a brother, she becomes the wife of the next near relation 
of her late luisband’s. in this last case she has the option of 
returning to her father, who then has to refund the haliim — 
the price originally paid for her. Her children, however, 
remain with her husband’s relatives. As the fatlier of the 
widow is not always in a ])ositioii to refund the kaliim, prac- 
tically it is refunded to the relations of her late husband by 
anyone who wants to marry her. An old Orotchi, known as 
Alexis, bought for his son, 20 years old, a wife of the same age. 
The same year there was another son horn to Alexis, and the 
duty of nursing this infant devolved on the new daughter-in- 
law of Alexis. A year )}assecl and by the end of it both 
he and his elder son had fallen victims to a mortal epidemic. 
By Orotchi custom the young widow had become the wedded 
wife of the child she had just ceased to suckle. Just then 
Otcho, a distant relative of Alexis, returtied from a journey, and 
declared his right to the old woman, widow of Alexis. Taking 
the old widow as his wife, he was bound to receive into his 
family and care for poor Anna with lier yoar-old husband and 
nursling. Before long the relations of Otcho with Anna were 
of a compromising nature, aiuLthe older widow complained to 
Makgakitoff bitterly of her husband’s fickleness, and by his 
advice she waitSd on a starshind of the village, who was 
5 ♦ 



passing through to Nikolsk to buy goods, and begged him to 
take her part. The starshind assembled the other elders, 
including the starshind of Datla, tlio hamlet where Anna was 
born. A formal trial was held^ at which Maiigaritoi^’F and the 
oldest Russian soldier were present. Otcho was condemned 
to 100 strokes of the rod, but the punishment was commuted 
to two days in prison in consideration of his old age ; the old 
widow, the baby husband and Anna his grown-up bride, 
were sent away from their village on the Kliode River to 
Datta to Anna’s father, who was enjoined to keep a careful 
watch over his daughter’s conduct for the future. 

At the same sitting were heard two other cases, bearing 
on Orotchi family life and customs. (1) An Orotchi had died 
leaving a wife with three boys, one 12, one 10, and the third 
3 years old. The nearest relative of the deceased wished to 
marry the woman and adopt the family. She declined and 
married another man, who accordingly paid the nearest 
relative the due kalilm. She did not wish to be separated 
from her children, but Kapelda, her first suitor, took them 
away by force and threatened to kill her now husband if he 
claimed them. Kapelda, ajazy rascal, w^as only really 
interested in the eldest boy, as the others were too young to 
work for him, but he kept them too, to spite his successful rival 
and the woman he had wanted as a wife. He treated the 
children very cruelly, once hanging up the smallest over the 
fire, and would not take, him down till the next eldest declared 
he would beg the starshinds to let them both go to their 
mother. The mother hearing of this cruelty tried all she 
could to get the children away, but none of the Orotchis, 
wedded as they are to their ancient customs, would help her 
to take the children from him who, according to the old native 
law, was their natural guardian. Margarfroff humanely came 
forward and threatened to inform the great Russian, who 
would send soldiers and march him off to HabaroflPka to 



prison. Kapelda took fright and gav^ up the children, but 
Margaeitoff, fearing there might be more trouble when he was 
no longer there to take their part against the brutal Kapelda, 
had the case laid before the Court then sitting, Trishka, 
brother of the unfortunate mother, appearijig for her. After 
hearing both sides and the evidence of witnesses, the Court 
decided that the eldest boy should remain with Kapelda 
and the two youngest should go to their mother, this being a 
special favour allowed to her becau;?e it had been proved that 
Kapelda beat them. Kapelda and his brother Tchaika got a 
clay in gaol for threatening to kill Trishka and the husband 
of the children’s mother. 

(2). — Kirill (Cyril), a bigoted old native, had a son 
Sergius, married to a young woman named Marfa. A year 
before, Sergius, while hunting a seal, had been dragged from 
his canoe and drowned. As old Cyril had no other sons or 
near relations to whom he might transfer Marfa, she went 
back to her father, taking with her a 3-year old son. Basing 
his claim on Orotchi law, Cyril demanded this child, and also 
the refund of the kalum which he had paid for Marfa when 
he bought her as a wife for his spii Sergius. The plucky 
Marfa, happy in the chance of having been wedded to Sergius 
by a Russian priest who had happened to come to the village 
on the Tuiidja River, produced the priest’s certificate of her 
marriage, and claimed that Russian law should be enforced 
instead of native law. Maegaiutoff and the soldier were 
examined as experts, and after a long palaver of the Court, 
judgment was given that Marfa should keep her son, old 
Kirill having the right of ap})eal to the Ispravnik (Commissary 
of Police) at Sophisk, and getting back the dowry as soon as 
Marfa got another husband. 

The last case was the adjudging of 50 strokes of the rod to 
a youth of 18 who had used insulting language to an old 
man, and this correction was summarily inflicted. 



The birth of children a subject of great rejoicing auiong 
the Orotchis, and a girl who can bring in a good price from 
her fatbei-in-law or luislmiicl is ns welcome as a strong-armed 
boy. A small conical yurt is provided for the avvonclwuwnf in 
good time, apart from the dwellings, and named the yafaku. 
Here the wretched mother reninins in some cases 5, in others 
the 10 days after the birth : on the last day she w^osliCvS the 
child, dresses it and hands it out to the nurse, who carries it 
to the father’s yurt and jwesents it to him there. The mother 
then puts on clean new clothes, first burning in the fini those 
she had on before, and joins her husband again. The husljand 
then closes theyatoia, and bars it up with tl)nb<M\s to provont 
dogs getting in. Although a birth does not j)roperly speaking 
constitute the occasion for a feast, there is generally a good 
deal of eating and tea-drinking going on about tin's time ; the 
yurts are full of friendly or inquisitive visitors, and an Orotchi 
never refuses the bite and sup to ])eoj)lo who drop in this way. 
The children have two sorts of cradles, the w'ooden day cradle 
keeping the baby in a sitting posture, the bircdi-bark night 
cradle allowing his little limbs to be extended. He is snugl}^ 
tuciked in with soft moss, shavings and chips, and rattles 
composed of hones, teeth and jawbones of wihl animals, hang 
from the cradle and divert his iiiiunt mind by their clattering 
when some one gives the cradle a swing. The children are 
treated wdth great kindness, but also firmly, and no child 
would dream of arguing the point with its mother. 

Illegitimate children are despised outlaws wdiom any one 
may molest, or even kill, without fear of ])nnishmont. Inhsa- 
si4a, Oh, you foundling,” is a term of abuse. 

The festivals of the Orthodox Eastern Church are unknowm 
to the Orotchis, and of their own savage festivals only one 
has still survived— the Bear Feast. 

When winter is more than half over and the sable-hunting 
has nearly ceased, some Orotchi, who has b^n rearing a bear 



in a large cage with that intention, announces a feast in 
honour of the animal, and invites all the inhabitants of the 
surrounding settlements. Any one who catches a young 
bear-cub in the taiga^ considers it his bounclen duty to rear it 
for about 3 years, so as at the end of that time to kill it 
publicly and eat the flesh in company of all his friends. A 
man who has been thwarted in his announced intention to 
give a bear-feast by not having the animal ready, will often 
give roubles worth of furs to buy one so that the public may 
not be disappointed. The nominal occasions of the feast are 
various, it may be because Anduri has been good enough to 
send many sables of late, or in honour of some worthy father 
who has died leaving an inheritance to his children, or perhaps 
some other occurrence worthy of record and celebration. 
The heap-feast being a jwWic feast, although organised by 
one individual, they try to have one in each Orotchi village 
every year in turn ; thus in 1886 it was held in Datta, in 
1887 at Vi, and in 1888 at Koppi. They get the bear out of 
the cage for his preliminary wash very skilfully. A reata 
with a slip knot is let down through the top of the cage over 
the bear’s neck, and two more nooses for his front paws. 
Hauling Bruin in tliree directions, and keeping him just taut, 
they remove the I'oof of tbe cage, and a nimble native lowers 
himself astride on his back and girds him a little aft of his 
front paws with a stout girth, to which a long rope is made 
fast. All then pull with a will and the bear is dragged out 
and taken wherever they like. Gloriously fed up, and 
wreathed all over with gay-coloured ribbons and glittering 
ornaments, he is led in triumph to the huts. All who take 
part in the procession are armed with lances, bows, and 
ari'ows. When Mishka, as the Russians affectionately call 
the bear, reaches the yupt of the giver of this popular prazdink^ 
bear and bear-leaders are treated to something good to eat 
and drink, and if the impressario be a well-to-do man, they 



process round a few more times, bringing up again at the 
conclusion of each round to re-^hait at the door of the wigioam* 
This goes on morning and evening for a few days, until all 
the huts, not only in that village but also in the next one, 
have been visited, and there is nobody left to invite the 
bear.’’ These days are given up to sport and noisy jollity. 
Old Orotchis recall with some bitterness and regret the 
bygone times when fathers taught their sons not only hunting 
and fur-trading, but games and sports useful for developing 
their physical powers and hardening them for the struggle 
for existence. There were then regular gymnastic professors 
and trainers. Each youth was taught not only how to shoot 
an arrow, but how to avoid one intended for himself. Then, 
only he was deemed worthy of competing in the bear feast 
who had shown that he could dodge an arrow discharged at 
him point blank from 15 or 20 feet distance, or even throe 
arrows in succession coming flying from a yurt 60 feet away. 
Leaping, tree and pole climbing, and fencing with spears, 
'Were then taught to all the youths. A trained gymnast could 
clear his own height in the air; or three times his own length 
along the ground, and could clamber up a tree so quickly 
and adroitly that an aiTow aimed from 70 feet away could 
never touch him. Now, instead of these good old warrior 
sports, there are only ball-play, archery at a mark, and dog- 
races. These last are the only ones that the old fellows do not 
consider unworthy of a former generation. The dogs run 
drawing the narts^ or sledges of the people, and amongst the 
excited spectators many an intending dog-buyer keeps a 
connoisseur^ s eye on the performances of the couples, especially 
the two leaders. 

The whole feast ends with the tieing of the bear to a tree 
or wooden pillar to serve as a mark for the arrows of the 
crowd. The giver of the feast has the first shot and imme- 
diately after him the crack marksmen ofnhe table. They 



begin at about 70 yards, and diminish it if necessary to 
20 yards or even nearer than that. In those rare cases when 
even at such a short distance the bear is not killed, the giver 
of the bear feast finishes him with a vigorous thrust of his 
spear. Bonfires are then built and the meat is soon roasting 
on spits, and the crowd sit round and all share in the feast. 
Amongst some of the Orotchis tliose of the Tundja Biver, 
women take part in bear feasts, while among the Orotchis of 
the River Vi, the women will never even touch bear flesh. 

While on the subject of the amusements of the Orotchis, 
Margaeitoff adds one or two old stories with which they 
beguile their leisure hours. The following has something of a 
Japanese ring about it to me : — 

There once lived seven young brothers and a sister in one 
yuvt. One day they were playing before the door, and the 
game was to throw sticks and try to knock down other sticks 
stuck ill the ground at some distance. While they were 
shying a squirrel came up and she also joined in the sport. 
By inadvertence one of the brothers struck the squirrel with 
liis foot, and she got in a rage, and ran away after threatening 
to come back next day with all the squirrels and kill them all. 
The brothers were frightened and began thinking how they 
were to escape from the threatened attack. At last the eldest 
suggested that they should climb up into the sky ; and the rest 
all assented to the proposal. Then said the youngest brother : 
“ What are we to do with our little sister, as she can't climb 
up, and it is no good hiding her in the taiga^ as the squirrels 
will find her and kill her ? ” They thought about it and at 
last decided to dig a hole and put the little girl in, leaving 
only an opening above her head for her to breath through. 
On her breast they put a hag full of reindeer's blood, and 
then they filled in the earth. Then the eldest brother shot 
an arrow into the sky ; the arrow stuck in and hung down. 
The second brother discharged his arrow and it stuck in the 



head of the first, the third then let fly, and the third arrow 
stuck in the head of the second, and so on until there was a 
pole of arrows reaching to stretching distance of their hands. 
Up this tliey swarmed as up a ladder, one after tlie otlier, 
and the one who went up last, the youngest, took out each 
arrow as soon as he had a firm grip of the arrow^ above it, and 
at last cliinhed on to the sky with the whole sheaf of arrows 
on his back. Next day came along the army of squirrels and 
began to search for the brothers everywhere without, of course, 
finding them. Then the squirrels asked all the house utensils, 
the pots and pans, the dishes and knives, one after the other, 
where the brothers had gone to, but not even the tea-cups or 
spoons would tell where they had gone. Only a spiteful old 
pair of unta (fish-skin boots) acted tlie sneak and divulged 
the secret of whore the brothers had gone and how they had 
hidden the sister under the fireplace. Then the squirrels set 
to work and drove their long spears into the ground by tlie 
fireplace. One spear pierced the bag full of reindeer’s blood, 
and it spurted up. The squirrels believed they had killed 
the little girl, so after smashing all the dishes and cups they 
went off again into the taiga (the jungle). Then the little 
girl crept out of her hiding place, and the fii\st thing she did 
was to take the disagreeable couple of unta (the fish skin 
boots) which had pla3’-ed the spy, and cut them into little 
pieces. Then she set out to look for her brothers, in a great 
fright all the time lest the squirrels should came back. She 
ran on and ran on till she came to a yuft where lived Miss 
Frog. The Frog saw that she had on pretty clothes, and at 
first made much of her, and then took all her clothes away, 
and put them on her own ugly body, leaving the poor little 
damsel with nothing at all to cover her. Suddenly a dog was 
heard barking, then Miss Frog said: “There come two 
handsome young Orotchis, one of them will see how nicely 
I d^’essed and will ask ino to marry him, and they will 



turn you out in the cold.” So saying site left the hut to meet 
the young trappers and the poor little girl, from grief and 
despair, began to beat herself on the head with a stick. The 
stick split open and she crawled into the cleft and hid herself. 
Then in came the two fine young hunters, and the elder sat 
down to talk to Miss Frog, and the younger sat down in the 
corner close by the stick, where the dear girl was hidden. 
Out of sheer idleness he took the stick and began to whittle. 
Suddenly blood came out, and he was scared, threw down both 
his knife and the stick and ran out of the yurt. The elder at 
last noticed that his brother had gone, and he too set off home, 
taking the frog with him. The younger now remembered 
that he had left his knife in the yuTt^ and went back to fetch 
it. When he arrived at the door, he thought he would first 
look in and see if there were any one there, when he saw the 
poor girl sitting there all alone weeping. He opened the 
door, went in, and took hold of her ; she tried to hide herself 
in the stick again but could not. Then she told him all about 
her brothers, and how the frog had taken away her clothes. 
He gave her such of his as he could spare, and took her away 
to his father. The old man was waxiting for both the brothers ; 
the elder was the first to retuim with the frog. The old man 
began to ask her about her family, who they were and where 
they lived. The frog then stupidly began to brag about her 
brothers and said, “I will soon let you see them, lend me 
this pail ! ” Out she went with the pail to the river side, 
drew it full of water and frogs and came back to the yurt. 
As soon as the old man saw what brothers she had, he drove 
her out of his wigwam, and began to ask the little maiden 
about her brothers. She went out into the taiga^ stood under 
a tall hirch-tree and began to pray to Anduri. Aiiduri heard 
her ; her seven brothers came to her, and each bi'ought a 
beautiful rig-out of new clothes. She put on the frock given 
by the youngest them, and she led the whole seven to the. 




old man. As soon as he saw her coming with them hand in 
hand, he spread a great piece of silk at the door of the 7/7irty 
received them all with open arms, and spx'<3ad a least, Tlu^y 
only stayed three days; they told him that their homo was now 
in the sky with Andnri, asked him to treat their sister kindly, 
and then departed, while the sister lived happily over after 
with the old man^s youngest son. 

Of historical events the Orotchi has but a poor recollection. 
Not only do they interest themselves but little in the long past 
and gone, but even occurrences 5 or 6 years old are generally 
consigned to oblivion. A few things which have passed 
recently under their own eyes are remembered, for instance 
the wreck of the frigate Pallada^ the wintering in Port 
Imperial of the Mandgar, etc. But a mother will quite forget 
how old her child is after it has reached about tbe ago of 5, 
and give the vaguest replies to questions on that point. An 
old Orotchi will indicate dates thus : When the Russians 
first came here, I had a son, just able to walk,” or just able 
to trap sable.” Owing to tbis vagueness it is of course very 
difficult to obtain information as to the mortality in any 
particular year. At last Maugakitofit after repeated ques- 
tioning obtained from an old native particulars of the number 
of Orotchis living on the Rivers Rhode and Mai in the year 
the ‘‘Pallada” sunk, viz. in 1856. According to his list — ^he 
gave the names of every one on these two rivers — ^there were 
then 56 men and 48 women. The population was in 1886 
little more than a quarter of this, and there is little doubt that 
tbe diminution in the population has been quite as great on the 
other rivers. The principal cause of this is the severity of the 
conditions of life. The "principal diseases prevalent are ex- 
ematose and rheumatic, but epidemics, small-pox and typhus 
have also been known. The yurts ^ composed of a few poles, 
fish-skin and biroh-bark, give sufficient protection from rain 
^nd snow, but hq^rdly any from cold windy which pwctrato 

ifiE HSH-Sfem TAEitAES. 

from every side, especially in winter. In spite of tlie too 
abundant ventilation tbe air breathed is anything but pure. 
The smell of smoke and of fish, fat, dirty clothes, leather, 
dressed and undressed, and of the unwashed inhabitants them- 
selves, combine to render the atmosphei'e almost insupportable. 

The Orotchis are small in stature, 5 ft. 4 in. being considered 
a fair height for a man, and 4 ft. 10 in. for a woman. They 
have great endurance, being able to row for 6 or 7 hours at a 
time without resting or feeling fatigued afterwards. Strange 
to say, although their life is so much on the water, they cannot 
swim at all, and if one capsizes from his canoe “ he goes to 
the bottom,’’ to use their own expression, ‘‘ like a wounded 
seal.” They have small heads, straight low foreheads, broad 
faces, broadest at the cheek-bones, and scanty black hair. 
They are broad shouldered and look clumsily built, but are 
capable of great agility when excited by hunting, etc. They 
can descry a fish two feet under water from their boat on a 
^Ed throw a harpoon at fish at that distance with 
unerring aim. Maeoaeitofx gives here two tables of mea- 
surement, one of 50 living subjects, and one of the 17 skulls 
which he collected^ and he concludes with lists of words and 




Br T. W. KmaSMILL. 


Astronomical history may be said to have had its beginning 
about the year 2150 b*c. when the astronomers of Chaldea 
substituted solar for lunar observations and marked out the 
zodiac into the twelve constellations which with little change 
still hold sway. Prior to the introduction of the reform the 
moon had kept guard over the calendar, and the commence- 
ment of the year was connected with the position of the 
full moon in the zodiacal asteinsms. Owing however to 
the fact that the anomalistic month, the period in which 
the moon makes the complete circuit of the ecliptic, was not 
commensurate with any number of solar days, being aljout 
an hour and eighteen minutes above twenty-seven and a- 
half days, a difficulty was always experienced in the accurate 
division of these asterisms, which were made to vary from 
twenty-seven to twenty-eight. Gradually the latter nunther 
seemed generally to have prevailed, though the Indians seem 
frequently to have preferred the lower number twenty-seven. 
This however is of little consequence, as the principal asterisms 
are sufficiently well marked in all There seem to be evidences 
of a former very wide extension of the division of the lunar 
zodiac. In China the ^ suh or lunar stations have held 
their own in popular language to the present day. Indian 
astronomy hands down their history from Very early times, 



and the Bundahesh tells of their existence in ancient Persia. 
In Arabia they have come down as the twenty eight mandzils^ 
and the mazzaroth of the books of Job and II Kings have 
by competent authorities been interpreted to indicate their 
extension into ancient Chaldea and Palestine. We may there- 
fore reject as frivolous the strife between authors as to their 
birthplace, and accept them as in the widest sense of the 
term Asiatic, and date back their origin to the prehistoric 
tribes of Central Asia before the great dispersal of the 

There are evidences that the older astronomy did not yield 
without a struggle to its more modern rival. As in Europe 
in the sixteenth century, the illiterate crowd demanded back 
the ten days which they alleged had been stolen from them 
by the reform of the calendar, so we find in India that the 
substitution of the constellations in conjunction for those in 
opposition was held to be an interference with the course 
of the heavenly bodies. Thus we learn that when Balar&ma, 
the Indian Hercules, was about to be born to Vasudeva of 
his wife Devaki (the stars in the right leg of Bootes) the 
king of Mathur^, who had been warned that a son of hers 
would kill him and overthrow his kingdom, seized the pair, 
put to death their six children already born (the months) 
and imprisoned Devaki, waiting for its birth to kill the yet 
unborn child. By divine agency the child was transferred 
to the womb of his other wife Rohini, who was still at liberty 
and so escaped destruction. A comparison with the list of 
. Chinese asterisms, where ^ Kioli (Spica) in conjunction with 
Devaki is still the first asterism marking the vernal equinox, 
throws light on the astronomical character of the myth, which 
however from its mention of Devaki can hardly be older 
than the second century b.c. 

Fragments of similar myths remain here and there in 
Chinese lore. Thus the Sim king [III. 1. “ Songs of the Fi^v© 



Children”] tells ns how T'ai k‘ang went to hunt to the south 
of the Loh, whence for a space of some ten decades (of da}^^) 
he had not returned. Coining back to the Ho he iinds his 
passage threatened by the great hunter prince of g| Kiung 
(the Empyrean), who dethrones him and seizes tlio governnu^nt, 
which he holds for twenty-seven years. The story is easily 
explained. The sun (T'ai k'ang) at the autumnal (Kpiinoxes 
crosses the equator and wanders ^ amongst the southern 
constellations ; coming back at the equinox he finds the grcnit 
hunter Orion pointing his bow at the equinox (at about IdOO 
B.o. in E.A. 3. h.) The rule of the usurper for twenty-seven 
years does not appear in the Shu hing^ it refers plainly to 
the twenty-seven (or twenty-eight) suk^ Le. a whole solar 
year till the next vernal equinox, I is in Chinese lore the 
archer par excellence who always draws his bow to the iidl 
and will not change his method. He appears in coniu^ction 
with the fiibulous emperor Kuh, and in the myth of Yao 
we learn he shot arrows into the air to deliver the moon 
during her eclipse. 

As the Greeks, following the Babylonian epic of Gisdhubar, 
tried to make history out of the astronomical legend of 
Hercules and his twelve Labours, founded on tbe progress 
of the sun through the twelve zodiacal signs, it is not 
surprising that we find similar myths wrought into the 
so-called early history of China. Thus we learn that the 
especial solar hero of China, the great Wu shun, had to undergo 
his trial of twenty-eight years before attaining the rank of 
Ti, going in fact through the twenty-eight zodiacal asterisms. 
In the spring (the second month) we find him at the eastern 
Yok (T^ai tsung) the vernal equinox, represented by the 
T ai shan on earth as by Aldebaran in the heavens# In 
summer (the fifth month) wo find him at the southern Yok 
(the solstice), represented below by the Hwang shan, above 
by Begulus. In autumn (the eighth month) he gains the 



western Yok, on earth the Hwa shan in Shensi, above Antares, 
the autumnal equinox, while in mid-winter he attains to 
the extreme northern limit, reaching in the eleventh month 
the northern Yok, the winter solstice, on earth the Hang shan 
in Shansi, and in heaven represented hy the star Fomalhaut. 
He it is who in Chinese lore instituted the twelve chow 
divisions (of the zodiac), raising twelve mountains (the signs), 
and demarcating them by /I| ch‘un (rills), their appointed 
boundaries* However the myth gained its entrance into 
China, whether directly from India, or more probably from 
a common source north of the Himalayas, it cannot be 
dissociated from the Indian myth of Vishnu, the two names 
being in effect phonologically identical. The institution of 
the twelve chow (from root dal^ to divide) seems to show 
that already the Babylonican division of the ecliptic had 
penetrated to eastern Asia. In China, till the reorganisation 
of the calendar under the Hans, it had never received much 
popular sanction, and the older division has never been ousted 
from the recollection of the people. 

Sundry attempts founded on astronomical formulae have at 
various times been made to establish a chronology in China. 
Some of these bear evident traces of their foreign origin, while 
others are as evidently Chinese. The most popular makes the 
state to’ have begun with ten dynasties, the united number 
of whose reigns mounts up to 216, evidently related to the 
number of minutes (21,600) in the great circle of the zodiac. 
The ten dynastic periods must be referred to the same source 
as the ten antediluvian kings of Berosus whose united reigns 
amounted to 120 sari of 3,600 years or 432,000 years in all, 
where the same number is repeated, or the ten antediluvian 
patriarchs of Genesis v. whose united years, deducting the 
overlap between the births, amounts to just 7,200 and is still 
divisable by the ideal number 3,600. As no trace of these 
computations are Ho be found in China prior to the. Han 


dynasty, during a portion of which (the reign of the Emperor 
Wu) communication was fully established with the Parthian 
state, which included a great part of Mesopotamia, tlun’ii is no 
difficulty in tracing their origin directly to the plains of the 
Tigris and Euphrates. As we shall see later on, the nKnliuin 
was Persia, and when in the year B.c. 105 the Emperor llan 
Wu ti finally determined to begin a new cycle, it was to Persia 
he looked for the annual title. He directed that the first day 
of the eleventh moon should be observed as the beginning 
of the new era to which he gave the name of 'Pai vhht (Grand 
Beginning) and intended to substitute for the old cyclical 
characters a series of names of foreign introduction. Other 
sovereigns had previously attempted a reform, but had met with 
so much opposition or been so busily engaged struggling for 
existence that nothing could be done. Prom the times of 
Li and Yii of the Chows (878 to 770 b.o.) no record had been 
kept ; the princes had never proclaimed the coininencenumt of 
the year, and the people were dispersed or killed at the 
hands of the hostile tribes of the I and Tiks, so that no one 
had any clue as to the course of time. In Siang Wang’s 
time three intercalary months were added in the one year 
625 B.O., which the Tso chwen blames. Afterwards, in the time 
of the Warring States, till Tsin attained to empire, affairs 
were still worse. As no written record goes back beyond the 
year 721 B.o., we may discard all attempts to found a chronology 
antecedent to that date, a task which indeed Sz-ina Tsien 
did not attempt, but it is evident that we cannot place any 
reliance on the calendar even in the early portions of the 
Ch‘un ts‘iu period, from the evident mistakes in the times of 
the solar eclipses recorded, which have all the appearance of 
having been calculated backwards from crude tables. 

The records of even the Chow dynasty I have elsewhere 
pointed out begin in myth, and the story of the destruction of 
the earlier line and the removal of the capital from Shensi to 



Honan is surrounded with a final coruscation which repeats 
even to details the stories of the fall of the previous Hias and 
S hangs* It and the fairy tales of the handsome Muh, of his 
eight horses, his visit to the realms of Si wang mu (Sum^ru), 
and his feasting with the K^wenlmi (Gaudharvas), are a fit 
sequel to the burst of myth with which the record opens, of the 
Chinese Dioskuroi, Wu and Chow, and the battle against the 
herdsmen on the field of Mukye, as the rising sun suffused 
the sky with the bright colours of the dami. The Chows 
were in fact a myth-loving people, and their long journey 
from the land of Pin to their final resting-place at Loh in 
Honan constitutes an epic quite as fanciful and as interwoven 
with nature myths as the Iliad itself. Many of these myths 
I have at various times had the opportunity of investigating, 
and the same features of reverence for the powers of nature, 
and the habit more especially of clothing with human habili- 
ments the movements of the celestial sphere, which has 
prevailed with so many other nations, found here its fullest 
development. To the euhemeristic character of the later 
Chinese, who in perfect good faith adopted these myths and 
sought to incorporate them into history, we owe their pre- 
servation, and the critical mythologist can here and there pick 
out of the purple stream a few relics of hard fact, or. genuine 
tradition which enables him to feel his way cautiously to the 
consideration of the older condition of the Tfien liia. Prom 
earliest times the Chinese have had a lunar calendar, and 
to the present day the division of the ecliptic into the twenty- 
eight lunar mansions or suh (i.e, resting-places) prevails ; it 
is therefore by no means surprising to find that they have 
entered largely into the so-called history of China. Above 
I have referred to the case of Wu shun, for so rather than 
Shun of Wu should the great Chinese solar hero be called, as 
also to the case of T^ai k^ang and the hunter I, but it is* in the 
: so-*oalled dynasty* of Shang or Yin, ^the 03i6=repre&OTting^the 





sun when above the equator prior to the time of leaving 
the Ho, and being phonetically connected with Jt sliang^- 
(upper), and the latter originally meaning deflected^ hent^ 
indicating its position during the winter half of the year, that 
the full development of the myth is to be found. 

That the names of the so-called sovereigns of Shang and 
Yin were really astronomical is a fact that has struck most 
thoughtful critics. With the sole exception of T^ang, whose 
name I shall explain further on, they are all compounded with 
the calendaric stems, two of which only are absent ; Kia and 
Ting occur each six times ; Kang, Jen and Yih each four ; 
while a single name is compounded respectively with Ki, 
Jen and Wu. Tsu (a beginning), fai (gi'eat), and siao (small) 
account for most of the prefixes, while Im and t^an are 
evidently the difiPerent renderings of the same word. So 
far as we know, the Ohaldoeans divided their year, prior 
to the introduction of the duodenary system, into ten parts, 
and it is possible that some trace of this division may have 
penetrated to China and resulted in the “ten stems.’’ It must 
however be remembered that in Rome, prior to the time of 
King Huma, the year was said to have likewise been divided 
into ten months, so that the resemblance does not necessitate 
actual connexion. However it was, an old division of the year 
and probably of the zodiac into ten parts prevailed widely 
and reached as far as China. The archaic form of the words 
used to denote the terms forbids any surmise as to their origin, 
but they must have been in use long before the introduction 
of the “twelve branches,” whose Persian origin is clear. An 
attempt to effect a compromise between the decimal notation 
and the twenty-eight lunar constellations probably resulted in 
twenty-seven of the twenty-eight names handed down. The 
key has however been lost, and the presumed length of the 
reigns have been put down in arbitrary figures. The one 
exception to the cycle name appearing in the list of asterisms 



is ttat at tlie head — T‘ang ch^eng — ^which may be rendered 
as T^ang the Completer, the keystone of the celestial arch, 
completing the year. Accordingly we find T^ang surrounded 
with all the glories of the solar hero, reproducing exactly the 
story of Ch‘ang, otherwise Wan wang, the founder of the 
Chows. The state is in darkness, ^ Kih, the “ Cruel” or 
^ Kwei the last ^^stem” of the previous dynasty (or year) 
had plunged it in anarchy ; he engages the state in a contest 
with the chief of Shi (Erelus) and the latter, to propitiate 
him, gives him his daughter ^ @ Me hi (Megha, the Clouds), 
The universe was disturbed ; the earth shook ; mountains were 
moved ; rivers dried up, while in the heaven itself two suns 
fought for victory to show their detestation of his acts. Then 
the people turned to ^ T^ang — but a disguised form of 
or Yang the Glorious, the sun himself at whose rising 
the darkness of winter is dispelled and the glad new year 
begins. T'ang has for his minister ^ I yin, who is 
appropriately a dweller in ^ Sin, the “dawn land,” for is 
phonetically connected with Ushas and Aurora, both names of 
the dawn. I jin had originally an initial S, which leads us to 
identify him with the Surameya or Hermes of the west, an 
identification well borne out by his frequent flittings from 
T^ang to Kwei (light to darkness) and by his reported skill 
in cookery, to which the legend says he owed his introduction 
to T^ang. Correcting the so-called chronology by the recur- 
rence of the “stems,” and revising in accordance with Mendus 
the common allowance of thirty-three years to T^ai kia, we 
get a length of 560 years, which is just twenty times twenty- 
eight, and the lowest number which would permit of the two 
systems being combined. This would agree with the crossing 
of the Ho (the equator) by P‘^an kang, the equivalent of ^ 
Wei, the seventeenth siik, the autumnal equinox cirdter 
B.o, 1600 actually occurring with the full moon in that asterism. 
The vernal equinO^s did, 600 B.C., correspond with a full moon 

52 . 


in /C Kang, the second of the asterisms, and the fact that we 
must make T^ang to correspond with ^ Kioh (Spica virginis), 
which marks the beginning of the (Chinese asterisms of the 
accepted system, points to a late origin for the scheme, possibly 
as late as 400 b.c. 

More primitive in Chinese- lore is however the accepted 
division of the zodiac' into 28 sick or lunar stations correspond- 
ing with the 28 Nakshatras or halting-places of the old 
Indian Astronomy. The division, as we have seen, is of great 
antiquity, as it is found not only amongst the Aryans of 
northern India but amongst the Iranians, whence it spread 
to the Arabs at a later period. The controversy has raged 
violently as to whether its introduction is to be referred to 
India or China, and like many other themes connected with 
ethnology and comparative philology it has afforded a battle- 
ground for French and German savants. The former, led by 
Biot, have generally asserted their Chinese origin ; the latter, 
under the dictatorship of Weber, have as strongly supported 
their Indian birth. Professor W hitne v, on the part of American 
orientalists, has been rather disposed to favour the Indianists, 
and in the Journal of the American Oriental Society [vol. VIII, 
1869] has given a review of the entire subject* Under the 
auspices of the same Society the Rev. Ebenezer Buroebs in 
1860 published a translation of the Surya-Siddhanta, the most 
authoritative of the Indian works on the subject of the old 
Indian Astronomy, and to this and Professor Whitney’s resumd 
I am largely indebted. 

It is fortunately not necessary to revive the question of the 
Chinese or Indian origin of the asterisms, or to excite any fresh 
enmity between the contending camps. Both are equally 
right and equally wrong. The birth of the Kakshatras was 
in fact prior to the dispersal of the eastern Aryas and Iranians. 
Indians and Chinese owe their traditions to a common source 
in Central Asia, possibly not far removed from the ancient 

litmAE . 


Baktria. Tradition tells ns how at the early dawn of human 
history Aryan tribes migrated across the Himalaya and Hindoo 
Kush, following the valley of the great river ; and settled in the 
fertile lands of north-western India, bringing with them their 
language and cult, which subsequently became paramount and 
in greater or lesser purity extended over the entire of the 
Peninsula. The traditions of the Iranians afford us a clue as 
to the impelling cause of the movement, which will account 
for many of the observed facts in the early history of the 
Aryans. In the Zamyad Yaslit the Zend-Avesta describes the 
earthly paradise of Yima Kshaetra, where none of the evils 
ordinarily incident to mankind were to be found. It was not 
however to last, for Yima forgot his duties and the Azhi 
Dahaka chased him from his kingdom and slew him. Tradition 
never tires of the beauties of Airyana Vaejo ; here was no cold, 
no heat, no old age, no death till Yima’s transgression brought 
all the evils in its train, and winter and its concomitant ills of 
cold, snow and frost came to render uninhabitable the once 
happy land. Kor was the change of climate the only evil 
that befel it ; along with the cruel winter came the still more 
ruthless invader the tyrant Zohak, as the Shahnaineh calls him, 
who after the death of Yima for a thousand years oppressed 
the inhabitants till in turn Feridun, a descendant of his victim, 
revenged his blood and looked up the tyrant in a mountain 
cave in Dem&veud. The story amidst a setting of myth 
retains a genuine tradition. The ancestors of the eastern 
Aryans dwelt in the heart of central Asia, in a pleasant 
climate, happy and contented, and increased in number and 
the arts of civilization. Prom a cosmioal cause, probably con- 
nected with the drying up of the old central seas, we know 
from other sources that the climate of the entire of central Asia 
has since the beginning of history, and probably for many 
ages before, been undergoing a gradual desiccation. Chinese 
tradition is here ^t one with Iranian and both are home out 



by the existence in the howling desert of ruins of once opulent 
cities. Not only did the deterioration of climate affect the 
districts inhabited by the Aryans, but it compelled the northern 
Turkish tribes, once dwellers in the vast plains north of the 
Altai, to break up their habitations and pour down on the 
Aryan settlers, pushing them east, west and south. One 
branch, as we have seen, crossed the Himalaya and Hindoo 
Kush, carrying into India the benefits of civilisation. Chinese 
tradition stored up in the Shi king and the pages of Mencius 
concerns itself with the fortunes of yet another branch. At a 
period of some seventeen centuries b.o. we find the ancestors 
of those Chow tribes, who afterwards established the first empire 
in China, laboriously moving east under the guidance of a 
leader called [/S/zi, III. 2. vi] Kung liu, i.e. Kere daspa, and 
taking up their abode in Pin, in old Chinese Pan or Van. 
Whence they came or why they broke up their foi’iner homes 
tradition tells us not. How long they remained there we know 
not, but the end came at last. Mencius [I, Part ii. chap, xv.] 
tells us how the Tik, i.e. Turkish, barbarians came down on 
the rising settlement. The inhabitants offered them tribute of 
furs, but they would not desist; they gave them dogs and 
horses, but to no effect; they offered cornelians and jade, but in 
vain. Their king, Tai, called his elders together and told 
them, What these Tiks want in our territory ; to save you 
I will leave.” He withdrew with a large portion of the tribe, 
crossed the Liang shan, and took up his quarters at the foot 
of Mount Kfi, now the Tfien shan. Other fragments enable us 
to identify the road taken as that subsequently traversed by 
Maeoo Polo, by Chabchbk and Lake Lob. At the former 
the Shi king [III, 1. vii,] describes a battle the remembrance of 
which lived long, for Tsin many hundreds of years afterward 
still preserved the captured drums and coats of armour. At 
KT the fugitives had a temporary rest ; they cut down the 
forests and underwood which at that time ‘Occupied the land, 



opened out roads and erected dwellings by tHe sides of the 
streams [Shi hing^ III, 1, iii.] How long they remained we 
are not told, but the next we Lear of them, nnder pressure 
still, they are attacking the north-west of China. The myth of 
T^ang is repeated. Chow sin, the last of Yin-Shang, is defeated 
by the brothers Chow knng and Wan wang, and the dynasty 
of Chow settles in Shensi, whence, like its congeners in north- 
western India, it was destined to spread its cnlt, and partly its 
langnage over what one day was to be the Empire of China. 
More completely, because in smaller number, the race lost its 
characteristics, being absorbed in the mass of aboriginal tribes; 
and more completely in the process of assimilation the language 
lost its external signs and dwindled by degrees into the 
modern monosyllabic speech of China. So completely did the 
intrusive races cut off the connection of the new settlers from 
their ancient compatriots that the very name they loved to call 
themselves by — the Aryan men” — became in the degraded 
dialect of the new state Li-min, and in the course of time, 
when the blood of the settlers had died out, was interpreted by 
the race which had absorbed them as meaning the “ black-haired 
people.” The twenty-eight lunar stations of the Chinese are 
thus directly derived from the time when the ancestors of 
the Vedic Indians, the Chows and the Iranians, lived in close 
proximity to the site of the Airyano Vaejo, and from what 
we shall be able to discover below it will be evident that the 
connexion between the Chows and the Indian stem was 
closer than that between them and the Iranic branch. This 
approximation is evident in the changes of consonants 
and vowels. Modern Chinese, though it has cast off all 
inflexions, and for the most part resolved all dissyllabic words 
into monosyllables, preserves in many cases the halves of the 
divided word which it has converted into synonyms, but 
which in the spoken language are generally found combined 
to convey intelEgbly the meaning to the ear. Initial 



consonants, when tonnes, are generally preserved nnchanged, 
dentals, palatals, and latials being however largely confused ; 
media3 are transferred to the lower tone series, and in the 
majority of cases change into the corresponding explosive or 
rather nltra-surd. R initial becomes I or ng^ r final 7ig or 
n, or sometimes having first become I is dropped after 
lengthening the syllable. Velar sounds are preserved or change 
into it, and the sibilated gutteral c generally remains k but 
sometimes becomes sh. Final consonants in the older dialects 
remain, being generally represented by the tenuis of their 
.class. Notwithstanding the extreme variation to which the 
language has submitted, these changes will be found to 
prevail with great regularity in the older dialects, Cantonese 
especially, which may be adopted as the key, 

Wbbeb concludes that the Chinese asterisms must be of late 
introduction, not earlier than the second or third century b.c., 
from the fact that the list as usually presented begins with 
,Spica. The series itself however presents evident traces of 
an older origin, though the literature on the subject does not 
extend beyond the Han dynasty. The Chinese never took 
kindly to the solar zodiac, and most of their astronomy suffers 
from a grand misunderstanding : by some extraordinary error 
in the introduction of the zodiac they have contrived to 
reverse the constellations so that the constellations said to 
represent the months actually go backwards. Thus while 
® 3 /w (jjav) is made correctly to correspond with Taurus, its 
successor sil (sUt) goes backward to Aries, the two series 
again crossing at 'iriao in Scorpio. These discrepancies are 
however numerous and mark plainly how little original there 
is in Chinese astronomy. 

As usually displayed by the Chinese then the circle of the 
zodiac is divided into twenty-eight parts, marking roughly the 
daily advance of the moon through the stars. From the 
nature of the case the correspondence cannot bo very accurate, 

AlifOllElSa? litiTAE 


but still was sufficiently close to strike the early inhabitants 
of mid-Asia. They also noticed that the position of the full 
moon amongst the stars varied from month to month and 
season to season ; and hence before accurate observations were 
made of the path of the sun, the moon answered not only as 
a divider of months but also as an indicator of years. Such 
was the state of astronomy when the eastern Aryans, confining 
the latter term to the Indo-Iranians and their congeners, 
were dispossessed of their original home by the intrusive 
Turkish tribes from the Trans-Altai. The following table 
shows its connection with the Persian system : — 




Old Per.'^ian ' 
( Bundahesh). 


( Lg Normant). 

12 Stems. 


Pd ^ 

Equivalent Signs, 

By Chhicse. 

























^ tsze 







3T cli'au 




August ! 



H yan 







^ mau 







^ shan 















1 dhwa 




Vohaman 1 


? vat 




Spendarmad ^ 


^ slian 





The Asteuisms. 

The new year beginning at the vernal equinox was naturally 
then I’cpresented, not as in later times by the Pleiades but by 
the stars in the forefront of Scorpio, the ^ (l^^^Hg) of the 
Chinese, the “^Chamber’’ or, as we shall see later on, the Career^ 
called also the IIo (Fire) or Ta ho (Grand Fire), a name 
transmitted from !ln earlier time when it referred to Antares, 



As the leader of the old asterisnis Fang is, according to the 
Rev. Dr. Ohalmebs, occasionally used instead of the more 
frequent ^ she or ^ suk to denote as a general term tlu‘, 
individual asterisms. Famj being thus the representaiive ot 
the meaning, as she of the sound of the Sanscrit Kshayas (a 
habitation, lialting-place). The name 

properly belonged to Antares and is a survival of the still 
earlier period, of which we shall find occasional traces, wlioii 
the annual return of the eqxiinoxes was marked by the full 
moon in conjunction with Aldebaran and Antares respectively. 

Scorpio is still further connected with the eulendaric 
branch ^ viao^ which in turn represents the Parsi Mihr, a 
corruption of old Persian Mithra, the equivalent of the month 
of September, when the sun crossed the equator at the autumnal 
equinox. The Sanscrit name Anunldhti (the CJompleted), 
corrupted in the JBundaJiesh to Rur, points to its position as 
finisher of the year, and recalls the time when Antares marked 
the equinox. Its deity in the ancient Hindoo mythology was 
appropriately Mitra, the representative of the more important 
old Persian Mithra, who ruled the day as Varinai did the 
night. The Arab Mcmzil al Iklil (the Grown) apparently 
indicates the importance of the group. 

The second suk^ the fifth on the ordinary list, is generally 
known as sam (the Heart), which recalls the corresponding 
Arab Manzil al Kalb, of like meaning. The name is probably 
of comparatively modern introduction and refers to the 
W fi TsHng Lung (the Blue Dragon) of the quadripartite 
division of the zodiac, of which it forms a fair centre. The 
more ancient name, as wo have seen, was Ho, or Ho-sing 
(the Fire Star), reterriug to the ruddy Antares, the clii(d‘ of 
the group. The Indians called the usim'isiu eJycsh/./ai (the Eldest 
Born), indicating its position as the original head of the series. 
The Kakshatra is represented as a pendent ear-jewel, which 
the throe stars Alpha, Sigma and Tau Sc^rpionis, of which 



it IS composed, may be fancied to resemble. The Chinese also 
call it Pliah (hat), the “Linchpin,” but the phonetic element 
is probably similar to that in the Indian name JjQshth, In the 
Bimdahesli it is Gel, possibly connected with the same root as 

No. 3 (sixth in the nsnal roll) is ^ Wei (the Tail). The 
nse of the term may be explained in more modern star lore as 
forming the tail of the Tsdng king (the Azure Dragon). In 
the Indian system it becomes Mula (the Root), the explanation 
of which is difficult; Mula and Wei (in Cantonese Mi) both 
however mean the end^ extremity^ and are probably phonetically 
connected. It has been suggested by Buhgess {Siifya 
SiddhantcC) that the name Mula (the Root) was given from the 
position of the group near the southern horizon at its culmina- 
tion. At B.o. 2000 the lowest point was only 28° south of the 
equator, so that the idea could hardly have originated south 
of 50° North Latitude. The asterism in India bore the alter- 
native name of Vichr/tdu (the separators or spreaders^ as of 
two branches bifurcating from a single root). 

The Bundahesli calls the group Garaf?a, apparently connected 
with gareva (womb), from root garev (to hold, take hold of). 
If the idea were that the year was born out of this station, it 
would carry the origin of the name and of the lunar zodiac 
to a date anterior to 4000 B.o., regarding which it is interesting 
to compare the notes on Chinese loei^ No. 14. 

No. 4 (seventh in the ordinary list) is ^ Ki (the Winnowing 
Tray), an asterism which has left its impress on the legends of 
the east from Persia to China. In the story of the extinction 
of Yin and the triumph of the Chows, it appears as ^ 
which we may translate as “Viscount” Ki, though usually the 
suffix ^ tsze^ like Sanscrit tai\ represents the doer. Ki was in 
attendance at court till in the waning days of Yin the tyrant 
Chow-sin put him in prison ; and one of the first acts of the 
rising house of Chow was to release him and restore his 



patrimony. Tlie myth is transparent : at the approach of the 
antnmnal equinox b,o. 1200 the constellation of the Winnowing 
Tray faded away in the evening twilight. One of the first 
of the approaching solstice was its reappearance in the 
glow of the morning as the snn passed on through the stellar 
zodiac. This latter portion of the tale found another expression : 
Ki, .Recording to the authorities, when he saw the extinction 
of inevitable, fled away. When the Chows came to the 
thrcme, they sought him and found him in the land of the 
Saffron dawn ^ Ohiiosien, i.e. Korea. Ki disdained to 
take^. service under another sovereign, and founded the lino of 
Korean Kings. At the recension of the early books in the 
time of the Han dynasty the astronomical origin of the myth 
was^ot quite forgotten ; so the commentators tell us [Legoe’s 
Chinese Classics^ ill. 278] that Ki’s name was ^ ^ Sii yii, 
i.e, (A)Shadha, explained below. 

The Winnowing Tray, Sanscrit ^'Xirpa in Zend qnfra, was 
one pf the instruments given by Ahura Mazda to Yima in 
Airyana Va 6 j 6 in token of royal sovereignty. The second 
Fargard of the Vendidad tells us how Yima went forth to 
the stars of the south. He touched the earth with the golden 
Qufra and pierced it with the gold tipped goad, and prayed 
^‘Extend 0 bounteous Armaiti, enlarge and spread 0 bearer 
of cattle and oxen and men [see Haug’s Essays on the P arsis]. 
So in Indian lore ^urva-nakha (having nails like a winnow- 
ing tray) takes a prominent part in the story of the war 
between R&,ma and E&vana. 

By the Hindoos the asterism corresponding to Ki included 
also the next, Tau, divided however into two, Purva (hither) 
and TJttara (further) ''Asha(7/4.” Ashilr^/at is said to moan 
unconquered, which is more than doubtful ; it is more probably 
connected with root 9 ! (to sleep), and means '^a seat or place 
of abode,’’ The Hindoos accordingly represented the two 
Qstorisms as a bed, but also as two elephants’ tusks. The 



Bitndahesh calls the corresponding group Varanj^, while the 
Arab Manzil is an Na’S^im (the pasturing cattle)* The latter 
might have an allusion to the time when the full moon in the 
bow of Saggitarius marked the season for the cattle to descend 
from the mountains to the plains of mid-Asia. The name 
Varans may possibly be connected with Zend vouruvfithwa 
(having broad herds) \^Yasht^ 13. 130]. 

No. 5, eighth on the ordinary list, is ^ Tau (the Ladle), still 
known in Europe as the Milk Dipper. The name in Chinese 
is common to this group and the seven stars of Ursa Major, 
both approaching in form the ordinary ladle or dipper of 
the Chinese peasant, the stars being |x, p, cr, t, and ?, in the 
shoulder and bow of Sagittarius. The word taii^ corresponding 
to Greek ropOvv?, in Latin trua or trulla^ is one which has 
spread from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The division of the 
asterism was probably not original, and hence some confusion 
between the titles of the station. The Arabs place their 
Manzil in the head of Sagittarius, and call it al Baldah (the 
Town), while the corresponding group in the Bnndahesli is 
G^u (the Ox). For some forty-five degrees in Oapricornus and 
Aquarius the zodiac is unmarked by any conspicuous star 
group, and a considerable amount of uncertainty prevailed 
as to the position of the Mansions, and the original namers 
of the asterisms seem to have gone far afield for suitable 

Probably for these reasons the Indians adopted as their 
Nakshatra the distant Vega in Lyra, 2000 b.c., rather more 
than forty degrees north of the equator and some sixty off 
the ecliptic. To the constellation Lyra the Chinese gave the 
name of the Chih-nii (or Weaving Women), a name still 
familiar and associated with the legend that once a year 
on the seventh day of the seventh moon Altair crosses the 
celestial river (the Milky Way) to visit Vega. In the Shi king 
[III. 1. m] the m^-th of Wan Wang shows clear traces of its 



astronomical origin, and hero we find an allusion to another 
version of the story. The ballad tells ns [verse 5]: 













In yon wide realm a lady lies, 

Of Indra’s^ homo the richest prize. 

Propitious be the omen.s then, 

As by the Wei® he meets hi.s bride ! 

His skiff he steers athwart the tide. 

Too dazzling bright for mortal ken. 

The (Celestial Ship) still waits in the Milky Way 

(v & « of Perseus) to ferry over the fair bride. The Indians 
gave the name of Abhijit ( conquering ), a name of 
apparently late introduction, to Vega and its companions. 

No. 6, or nine in common account, is the 4 ^ A7?;, (the Ox). 
Although the name here is ancient, tlie group selected by the 
Chinese seems of comparatively late introduction and consi.sts 
of the inconspicuous stars above the head of Capricornus. In 
India the Nakshatra is Oravana and is identified with the 
magnitude star Altair and its companions in Afpiila. In the 
Bundalwsh the corresponding asterism is Goi, which latter 
in connection with the last (Gfui, the Ox) may bo looked 
upon as a corruption of Zend Gaoya (the Ox loader). It 
almost certainly represents Altair, and this star or group, of 
stars in Chinese is still known as ^ ^ KHen-nm (tiro Ox 
leader), in Cantonese Bin-ngau. The same idea prevails in 
ancient Greek lore whore xeI/jw is the most eminent of the 
Centaurs, the friend of Hercules, by whom ho was accidentally 
killed, but was subsequently by Zeus himself placed amongst 
the stars. But Kentaurus (the Qx loader) also in former 

* In-t‘ien, the visible heaven, the abode of Inclra, 
Wei here is the celestial river, the Milky "Way, 

AltallsHl! LuliJAB ASTBEisM^. 


times included tlie Eagle, and Oheiron was apparently tlie star, 
known to us as Altair. 01ieir-6n and the Chinese KHen (in 
older form Hhi) are both variants of the root ghar (to take, 
lead), and the idea is symbolised in the myth which makes 
Cheiron educator of the principal heroes. In ancient times, 
when the sun crossed the equator in the Pleiades, Altair was 
seen high in the firinanent as the watchers looked for the vernal 
equinox, and was the last star to fade in the light of the ilsing 
sun. Even so late as the time of Euripides we find the chorus 
in llh^sos singing : — 

“ What watcher succeeds to my vigil ? 

Already the bright stars are sinking 

And the seven-rayed Pleiads peep o’er the horizon ; 

In the Zenith «aloft soars the Eagle ; 

Awake ! Why delay ? Prom your couches 
Arise, and prepare for the vigil.” 

The Indian Cravana or Qroni, by which the constellation 
was known, is said to be derived from the root ^ru (to hear), 
and the constellation is supposed to represent an ear. More 
correctly it is a softened form from hri (to seize, draw), and 
identical in its meaning with the others. The Arab Manzil al 
Bula (the Devourer) bears no philological connexion with the 

No. 7 (10) is by the Chinese placed in an inconspicuous 
cluster in the forepart of Aquarius just over the back of 
Capricorn. This is however not its original position, which 
was ill the better defined group of the Dolphin. By them it 
was known as ^ Nn (the Women or the Girl), the allusion 
not being very clear. Sohlegbl suggests it was intended to 
mark the time when the labours of the field being over domestic 
work fell to the women of the family, but this would not tally 
with the fact that originally the full moon occurred in Nii 
prior to the summer solstice. The Indians called their more 
clearly defined station Oravishi/ia or DhanishiAa, said to be 
irregular superlatives meaning most famous ’’ or richest/’ 



but wby they should have adopted these names is not attempted 
to be explained. Dhanishi^/ia may probably be derived from 
from dhanu-s (a bow) rather than from dhan-am (wealth). 
The Bundahesh at all events names the corresponding station 
Muru (a bird), in Zend mercgha, from a root marg or varg 
(to hunt), to which root may possibly be referred the Chinese 
name of the Dolplnn (fg P‘ao or || Hu) with a meaning 
altered to Gourd, The Dolphin has always in ancient as well 
as modern times been associated with hunting. 

No. 8 (11) in the Chinese is 11% which may be translated 
as the Waste or Desert The original meaning is to leave, 
o'^elinquish, and is applied to the vacant space adjoining 
(3 Aq[uariiis. This corresponds with the Arabic Sa’d as-Su’ud 
(Felicity of Felicities). The original constellation of Said 
(Felicity) must have included the greater part of Atjuarius 
and Capricorntis, extending from alpha Capricorni, Sa’d adh 
Dhabih, to eta Aquarius, Sa’d al Akhbiyah. The name is 
curious and probably was given as the space wherein was 
situated the station of the full moon at the summer solstice 
at various periods from 2500 B.c. to the Christian era. No 
corresponding asterism occurs in the Indian series, but the 
^rab and Chinese names throw considerable light on the 
nearest Indian Nakshatra explained below. The Bundahesh 
calls the asterism in order here Bunda, with which we may 
compare Zend buna (ground, basis), Sanscrit budhna. The 
same root reappearing in Latin fimdus, Greek puGpog, pyo-o-og, 
old Norse botn (bottom). About 1600 B.c. the full moon here 
attained the lowest portion of her course marking the summer 
solstice, which circumstance has evidently afforded the old 
Persian name, and affords a reason too for the placing here 
of the Chinese suL 

With that curious absence of original observation and the 
entire want of the faculty of verification which essentially 
characterises the Chinese as a race, the Z/ti is in the Shu king 



connected with the antnmnal equinox. The circuit of the 
heavens is divided into four, marked respectively by the 
stars Alphard, Antares, Sadulsund and the Pleiades. About 
2350 B-C. the longitudes of these stars were respectively 
(approximately) 189^^.30 ( 263*".30^ and 0. !No very 

close approximation, and evidently blundered from an earlier 
tradition when Aldebaran and the Hyades marked the 
equinoctial colure. The star ninety degrees from the colure 
was supposed to mark not only the equinoxes, which roughly 
it might do, but the solstices, which it certainly could not do, 
by crossing the meridian at those periods at sunset. Thus 
the Shu king [I. 6] in its mixture of old rhythm and modern 
gloss tells us — 



















He commanded Ho cluing 

To take his station on the west in the obscure valley 
Keverently to make offerings to the Sim ; 

To pacify and arrange the entire of the west. 

In the midst of the empyrean was the star Hii 
By which to determine mid-autumn. 

The gloss mistaking the allusion adds, ‘^‘^The people rest, the 
birds and beasts renew their coats.” 

No, 9 (12) in the Chinese is ^ Wei (danger, peril). Hither 
cifciter 2350 B.o. wandered the full moon at the summer 
solstice. What was the idea of danger we may see exemplified 
in the legend of T'^ai K‘ang in the Sim king quoted above 
[p, 4$]. Chinese Wei however comes from the same primitive 
root as Sanscrit hid (to fear), and this offers an explanation of 
the corresponding Indian Nakshatra Qatabhishaj or Oatahhish^, 
This is usually taken to mean the Hundred Physicians, or 
Eemedies, from an assumed verbal root bhishaj (to heal), MorQ 



naturally the word is derived or corrupted from Catabhish^ 
(the Hundred Dangers)* The “danger’’ referred to probably 
indicating that the path of the ecliptic might not return. 
From a comparison with the Arabic name Sa’d al Akhbiyah, 
(the felicity of tents), taken in connection with the fact 
mentioned above that the chief stars in this region all 
bear the name Sa’d (felicity), even to the present day the 
names Sadalmelik and Sadalsund for alpha and beta Aquarii 
remaining on our celestial charts, we might presume an Aryan 
form Catabhajat or Catabhajinl (the hundred felicities). If so, 
the original appellation doubtless came from an allied root 
bhuj (to bend, curve), corrupted when the name ceased to have 
meaning as the bending place of the sun or moon’s path, into 
bhishS., bhishfi,, bhajat, or wei, or, translated, into Arabic Sa’d 
(felicity). The Bundahesh places here the asterism Kahtsar, 
which possibly may represent Zend Qatazareta (the Hundred 
Oppressions) or Qatazar& (Hundred Pains). 

The ancient importance of the Asterism is shown by its 
having in Indian lore been placed under the special regency 
of Varuna, the old supreme deity of the Aryas. As Varuna is 
associated with the waters of heaven, so the mansion is in 
modeim astronomy placed in Aquarius comprising the stars 

V, ? & n* 

JSTos. 10 and 11 (13 and 14) in Chinese ^ Shat and ^ Pik 
respectively, the Indian Purva and Uttara (former and latter) 
BhS,drapad^, representing the well marked quadrilateral in 
Pegasus. The Chinese name of the first, Shat (the house) 
must originally have included both asterisms, as in Indian lore 
did Bhadrapad^ (^^^PPy foot). Dividing the two, the second 
part became Pik (the wall or partition). The Bundahesh gives 
for the former Vaht, possibly a corruption of the Indian name, 
and for the second Miy&n, Zend Maidhyllna (the middle). 
The asterism is also known to the Indians as Prosh^Aapada, 
which we are asked to accept as “carp foot” or “ox foot,” 



a rendering hardly exceeded in absurdity by the Chinese, 
Prosbf/ia, we may however derive from prusb (to rain or to 
burn) and render the word “rainy foot” or “ rainy pace,” and 
this will throw light on the Arabic Manzils al Pargh al 
Mukdim and al Fargh al Mnkhir (the two sponts of the water 
jar), the full mo.on passing in early times the constellation 
during the Indian rainy reason. 

Fargh and Chinese Pik, the latter formerly in the lower 
tone, are apparently phonetically connected, and the Indian 
name may be a corruption of Bh&gapad^ from bhaj (to divide, 
apportion), which gives to Bh§,ga a secondary meaning of 
“ good fortune.” If the original idea was of dividing, we can 
account for the Chinese Pik of similar meaning, as well as for 
the Persian Miy^n (the middle), but the division of the Lunar 
Zodiac by the full moon at the summer solstice in the constel- 
lation cannot have taken place later than about 3500 B.o. 

On the whole I am disposed to look for some original form 
such as BhS.rgav^ from bhrajj (to scorch) and to connect it 
with the Indian myth of Brigu. The Persian (BundahesK) 
Vaht, Indian Bh^drapad^, Chinese Pik and Arab Fargh have 
thus a common phonetic origin. 

No. 12 (15) in Chinese ^ Kivai (the stride). In the Indian 
system the Nakshatra is Revati (abundant, wealthy) from root 
r^ (to give), the full moon in the constellation marking anciently 
the beginning of harvest. The Chinese name is connected 
with the root varg (to go), whence our “ walk,” and the form 
Revati may be connected with rinv (to go, follow). The Parsi 
form in the Bundahesli is Kaht, probably connected with root 
kah, Sanscrit kas (to go), and the Arabic is Batn al Hixt (the 
belly of the fish), where Hilt represents the constellation Pisces 
(the fishes), in Greek is not improbably con- 
nected again with (a footstep) from root viQ (vik) to 

enter, approach, and Hiit and Kaht if not etymoloyically are 

certainly phonetically connected as wdl Chinese Ewai* 



We may thus follow the modern constellation of the Fishes 
to an older form meaning the “ step ” or “ stride,” from the 
conspicuous Quadrilateral of Pegasus to tho well marked stars 
Alpha and Beta in the head of Aries forming the next stopping- 

No, 13 (16) ^ Lou (the stage, terrace). We have now 
arrived at a region of the heavens which has ever been the 
theme of the poet and the mythologist, and which has left an 
indelible mark on our fancies and our arts. The Pleiades 
and Hyades, the mighty hunter Orion, the two Dogs with the 
star Sirius, almost a sun himself as he shines in the vernal 
sky, the Dioscuri with their quaint legends, not to speak of the 
Ship Argo and the other wonders of the southern sky, have 
formed the foundation of much of the romantic literature of 
the nations of the antique would. Even to the present day 
in the world of art their influence survives, while our folk- 
lore is full of legends of the young vernal sun and the con- 
stellations he meets with in his passage through the zodiac. 
The two stars Alpha and Beta of the Ram form a not inapt 
portal into the fairy land, and with them astronomy, poetry 
and myth begin to blend. The Chinese name Lou (a raised 
stage) has little in its external appearance of the poetic, yet 
it has lent itself to one of the prettiest legends of the dawn- 
land. We find in the Indian scheme these stars called the 
Aqvinhu, the Twin Horsemen, the harbingers of Ushas, the 
dawn, “ the earliest bringers of light in the morning sky, who 
in their chariot hasten onwards before the dawn and prepare 
the way for her.” 

When at the first beginnings of astronomy the sun was in 
conjunction with the Pleiades at the vernal equinox the 
heliacal rising of the constellation was anxiously looked for as 
the token of the opening year. The stars then seem, in India 
at all events, to have been called the Daqvins (the Peepers), 
from the root da^ or damq (to shine). In Qiines^ the phonetic 


^ lou almost certainly had an initial d ; we see this in the 
corresponding phonetic ^1] (now liv) which respresents also a 
root da??^9, the Greek Saxvw (to tear or rend). In its form 
^ lou (a story, a stage), the word is identical with ^ fau ^ 
then lou equally with the Indian word meant the Peepers, 
which in the earliest dawn ushered in the glad new year. When 
the equinox travelled backwards from Taurus to Aries, the 
stars lost their significance as the forerunners of the year and 
Daqvin&u (the Peepers) grew into A(jvin§>u (the horsemen or 
vedettes). Similarly in the Arabian calendar the stars were 
called ash Shaa’at&,n (the Tokens), a name which finds its 
signification in the fact that there also they were the token of 
the arrival of the glad new year. 

In the SU hing^ [II. 4. ii] we find under the heading of the 
Q If3 (the Yoke of "White Horses) a hymn which 

compared with the Greek myth of Eos and Tithonos is worthy 
of record. The allusion is apparently to these two stars. 


Ode to the “ Vedettes,^^ 

Shine on, ye glowing steeds of day, 

Our meadows wide with light suffuse : 
Halt in your course ; your progress stay; 
This morning’s dawn to close refuse. 

My cherished love, all care aside, 

May one long day with me abide. 

Shine on, ye glowing steeds of day, 

O’er our wide fields your radiance send : 
Halt in your course ; your progress stay ; 
This night beyond all nights extend, 

My cherished love, oh happy bride ! 

May one long day with me abide. 

Shine on, ye glowing steeds of morn, 

While burning thoughts my bosom fill,— 
What though of noblest lineage born, 

In modest ease for aye be still : 

For aye forget your aimless quest ; 

’X‘our anxious thoughts be lulled to rest. 



Shine on, ye glowing steeds of day, 

O’er yon wide valley stay your light, 

There in a patch with verdure gay 
My loved one lies, a jewel bright ; 

Nor covets gems nor golden showers. 

While happy hearts beguile the hours, 

[Sui, IL IV. 2.] 

■ The Pars! Padfe-var we may refer to Zend Paitidaya (the 
Outlooker, Peeper), from the stem di (to see) equivalent of 
Sanscrit di (to shine) and allied to dam?, above. 

No. 14 (17) W Wei (tlie belly, stomach). In Indian 
lore Bharani (the bearer) i.e. the Vulva, Muliehre pudemhm ; 
the Arab al Butaiu (the little belly). The allusion in all three 
is plainly to the approaching birth in the Pleiades of the new 
year’s sun. It may be noticed here that already the solar 
phenomena were superseding the lunar with regard to those 
asterisms from 13 (^ Lou) onwards. We can thendbre fix 
approximately the age of the names at about 2100-2300 b.c. 

The name in the Bundalmh is P6sh Parviz (the Attendant 
Pleiad) from root pip (to tie, bind). 

No. 15 (18) ^ Mao (to burst forth, flourish) ; the Pleiades. 
From the earliest times the Pleiades have been celebrated in 
mythology and folk-lore. In the book of J ob [xxxvili. 31] 
we find the question asked “ Ganst thou bind the sweet in- 
fluences of the Pleiades or loose the bands of Orion?” where 
Kimah or the “ Seven Stars ” is the name applied to the 
asterism. In the year 690 b.o. we have in the Ch‘un ts^iu a- 
curious allusion to the Perseid meteors. “ In summer in the 
4th moon the stars fell like rain.” Apparently referring to 
this the Shi king [I. ii. 9] sings : — 

“ With brilliant trains the meteors fly 
Orion and the Pleiads by ; 

They pass away with hissing sound. 

Our quilts around our heads we bend 
Vainly the omen to forirnd.” ' 

In tlie Indian system the Pleiades are known as KrittikS,, 
from the root kart (to cut), the meaning being that they are 
placed at the division point of the heavens, the name having 
been given when the snn in Pleiades marked the beginning 
of the year at the vernal equinox 2350 B*o. A Greek legend 
makes them to have been placed in the sky at the death of their 
sisters the Hyades, which possibly refers to a yet older time, 
c^V, 3000 B.O., when the equinox ceased to be marked by the 
latter. The Arabs, under the name of ath Thoraiy^ (the 
Cluster), seem to have preserved a recollection of the Greek 
Taurus, the name of the Sign in which they were included 
under the subsequent solar zodiac ; they also called the group 
au-JSTajm (the Constellation) from its commanding position 
as the head of the asterisms. The name in the BundahesJi 
Parviz, in modern Persian Pervin, has not been explained, but 
it, Greek Pleiades and Chinese Mao, are probably connected 
with the Sanscrit root v?imh (to increase), to which also is to 
be referred the Latin VergilicB (connected with virga, a 
sprout), the Latin form being apparently the nearest to the 
original. The name evidently had its origin in the temperate 
zone where the bursting forth of nature at the vernal equinox 
is most marked, and so we can account for the loss of it in 
India and j^^rabia, where the names were derived simply from 
the beginning of the year. 

No. 16 (in the usual notation No 19) is in Chinese § Pat 
(Pill) and corresponds with the Hyades. In the Shi king the 
asterism is called the THenpih^ which may be translated 

as the Celestial Finishers (i.e. of the year) in allusion to the 
fact that the Hyades were the last stars to disappear in the 
western horizon at the approaching new year. The Shi king 
[II. V. 9] sings : — 

^ * 
"ifi Ji ^ 


•whioli may be probably translated : — 

Sinks (in tlic west) tlie T‘ien ])ib 
As the year completes its circuit. 

From the shape of the asterism the Chinese explain it as tho 
Fowler’s Net. Sid [II. vii. 2] sings again in a spring song — 

“ The teal are ready to flit 
The Pili is spread out as a net.” 

None of the asterisms have suffered so much verbal corrup- 
tion as the Hyades, and the Persian term Paha as gircni in 
the Bundahesh is the only one recalling tho Chinese Fat. 
The Indian name is Rohini (the Hudd)"), alluding to tho 
colour of its principal star, while the Arabs have called it ad 
Dabarlin (the Follower), Le. of the chief asterism, tho Pleiades. 
The Latin name is Suculoe (the sow’s litter) identical with 
the Greek Xa^eg, a patronymic from Zg rather than a 
derivative from u&). The origin of the name in either ease is 
however unknown, and it may be suggested that the Greek form 
is possibly a corruption of 'v^ripat, like the Arabic dabaran, 
meaning the “followers,” and the Latin name was a loan 
word introduced after the original meaning had been forgotten. 
The connection of the Hyades with rain was early believed in 
by the Chinese ; the Shi [II, viii. 8] tells us that when tho 
moon passes the Pa’A there will be heavy rain, a statement, 
however, difficult to reconcile with observation. 

No. 17 (20) is in Chinese ^ Tsze (the deer’s head and 
antlers), lamda, phF and yhp in the head of Orion. This 
corresponds with the Indian Nakshatra M^’iga^lras (the deer’s 
head), as well as the Bundahesh Avesar, as if Urvi^ara 
(Wide-head). The Arab al Hak’ah (the Brand) has no appar- 
ent connexion with the others either in sound or meaning. 
In later times the constellation became itself ihe “Hebei” or 
the “Hunter.” Job [xxxvni. 31] speaks of loosing the belt 
pf Kesil (the Rebel), and, as we have seen supra^ T‘ai k‘ang (the 



sun) in returning to tte equator found the passage obstructed 
by I the prince of the Empyrean, who dethroned him and 
whose Cantonese' form (Ngai) suggests a root ending in 
probably vor and so the equivalent of Greek Orion as if con- 
nected with ov-pog (a watcher, guard), I, as we have have seen, 
pointed his bow at the Pleiades, and so Orion forces his way into 
the chamber of Merope, and in consequence is condemned to 
lose his sight, only restored when long after the vernal equinox 
he is seen rising in the east to court the glare of the rising sun. 

No. 18 (21) is in Chinese ^ T^sam, which we may compare 
with ^^,sham (shan) to ‘‘^overflow, submerge.” It consists, 
according to the Chinese, of Betelgeux, Eigel and the stars 
in the belt and shoulders of Orion. The corresponding 
Indian Nakshatra is Ardi4 (moist), and is said by Bueg-ess 
{SuTya-Siddhit7itd) to represent only the star Betelgeux ; the 
Bundahesli calls the corresponding constellation Bern, perhaps 
Zend Barezanh (a summit), but more likely corresponding to 
B^zn, arm, i.e. Betelgeux. Practically there is no difference in 
right ascension between Tsze and Tsam, the latter overlapping 
the former both east and west, and it is very characteristic 
of the little progress made towards correct definition that the 
two stations should have continued in popular tradition in 
countries so far parted as Persia and China. 

With a slight attempt at discriminating their fifth and sixth 
Manzils the Arabs have placed the latter in the feet of 
Gemini, and have given it the name of al Han’ah (the Pile), 
the application of which is not however very plain. In so 
doing they have encroached on the next Chinese suh 

Both Indian and Chinese names seem to have an allusion 
to the prevalence of the spring rains when the sun is in 
conjunction with Oidon, as by the Romans the latter was also 
denominated Aquosus (watery). 

No. 19 (22) is in Chinese ^ Tsing (the Well) and consists 
of the stars in th^knees and feet of Gemini. Tsing (a well) 




takes its name ratlier from the fact of its being dug out, as 
may be seen in the form tsing (a pitfall), than from tho 
welling of the water, and I should therefore be disposed to 
look upon the name as modern and derived from the grouping 
of the stars Genimoriim, which may have 

recalled the character It thus in part occupies tho place 
of the last Ai’ahic Manzil, 

The corresponding Nahshatm Punarvasu, more naturally 
is marked by the two conspicuous stars Castor and l^ollux, 
to which in Greek lore have been transferred tho attributes 
of the A^vin^u (No. 13). The name Punarvasu (Repeated 
Riches) is evidently a corruption of an earlier form, perhaps 
Punarvarsha (Returning Rains), which may ho possibly 
compared with the Bundahesh Rakhvad, if tlu^ latter be 
referred to Zend Rakhevaidhi (Excessive Water). The 
corresponding Mcmzil adh Dhira (the Paw) is said on the 
authority of Idelee to refer to the coiivStellation of the Lion, 
made by the Arabs to include parts of Cancer and oven 

In this asterism we distinctly recur to the older Lunar 
terminology, suspended in the previous six groups owing 
to the movements of the snn at the vernal equinox having 
in early times become of more importance than the lunar 

No. 20 (23) is the Chinese ^ Kwei\ a name of ill omen 
applied to the manes of the departed, used generally in the 
Confuoian hooks in antithesis to p SJim (celestial beings). 
Etymologically the name is connected with Sanscrit vrittas, 
qui hence the dead, and represent a root vart (K)wart 
(to turn). The name had perhaps better be written ^ hwei (a 
jewel), and corresponds with the cluster called by the Greeks 
(the Manger) the Latin Prmsepe. Possibly an older 
name was Vartnl (the Crib), from which the Greek and 
Chinese names, as if the former were foi' ya^cv«t (the Returners) 



witli which compare note on No. 9 W^L The solstitial 
colure passing the asterism about 900 B.o. This latter fact, 
as in the somewhat similar case of ^ Wei^ accounts for the 
meaningless names applied to the Indian Nakshatra Pushya 
(nourishing), Tshya (auspicious) or Sidhya (prosperous). As 
in the last station the Arab name el Nathrah (the Nose-gap) 
implies a former greater extension of the constellation Leo. 

The corresponding station named in the Bundahesh is 
Taraha, regarding the position and meaning of which I can 
offer no explanation. 

No. 21 (24) is in Chinese /|I1J Lin (the Willow) the fire 
stars in the head of Hydra marked > 7 , cr, e, forming a 
circular cluster, as a garland, whence its name /j^ lin (the 
willow) is but another form of ^ liu (to bind), and agrees 
perfectly with the Indian name for the same group of Aclesh^s 
(the entwiner, embracer), from the similar root clish (to embrace, 
join). The name of the corresponding group in the Bundahesh 
is Avra (the Cloud), literally the Water-bringer. The 
difference in longitude between this and the last group hiuei 
hardly amounts to five degrees. About 2390 B.c. the differ- 
ence in right ascension was much greater but gradually 
decreased, and for this reason j)Ossibly the Arabs invented 
a new Manzil composed of ? Cancri and 1 Leonis, which they 
named at Tarf (the Lion’s Glance). 

No. 22 (25) in Chinese ^ sing (the star) consists of Alpha 
Hydra and is usually grouped with the few small stars in its 
immediate neighbourhood. It is one of the seasonal stars 
mentioned in the Yao-^tien \_Shu^ I. 4] where it is called (the 
Bird. The solitary dignity of the star and its position 
as marking the winter solstice by its conjunction with the 
full moon doubtless led in Chinese to its being known simply 
as “the star,” a similar reason influencing its Arabic name of 
al Fard (the Solitary), a name still retained in our celestial 



The corresponding Nakshatra in the Indian system is 
Magha (the Mighty), consisting of Regnlus ami the other 
stars in Leo, popularly called the Sickle. Tlu^ Bvmhihesh 
calls the station Nahn, probably Zend Naonhu, th<> Xosci (of 
the Lion) as in Arabic it is el Jeb’ha, the Front (/.e. of the 
Lion). The ancient Greeks know Regnlus as Rasilikus (the 
Kingly), as the Arabs called him Malik (the King) from his 
ruling the solstioial colure. 

Ko. 23 (26) is Change translated usually as “to draw, 
extend’’ (a bow). Here it probably represents the “archer.” 
The stars x, p, v and ^ in the last coil of Hydra may 
perhaps he compared, with the bow. 

Ho. 24 (27) is ^ Yih (the Wing, Flank), possibly in 
connection with the next, the Crossbar. It is eomposc^d of 
the principal stars in Crater. 

These two asterisms have no connexion with the correspond- 
ing Indian Nakshatra, the Phalgunyas in the tail of Leo. 
The meaning of the name is not clear. The same stars form 
the Arab Manzils as Zubrah, the Mane (of tlio Lion) and 
as Sarfah (the Turning-point). The Bitndahesh gives kliy&n, 
Zend MaidhyS^na (the Middle), and Avdem (imexplained) as 
the corresponding stations, perhaps both Farsi and Arabian 
names point to a reminiscence of the ancient position of the 
solstice twenty-three centuries before Christ. 

No. 25 (28) is ^ CBen (the Crossbar) of the chariot of 
which ^ Yik is the flank. We are now rapidly approaching 
the end, and this perhaps is the reason why these asterisms 
seemingly represent the different parts of a chariot. CBeyi 
comes from a root meaning “to turn, to twist,” whence 
apparently its application to the crossbar. The Indian name is 
Hasta (the hand, or the elephant’s trunk) ; possibly the Chinese 
chariot became converted in India into an elephant, a not 
unlikely transformation. The Arab Manzil steps aside here 
to the right, including the head and bfeast of the Virgin 



of the modern zodiac ; it is called al Anw^ (the Barking 
Dog), which accompanies the chariot, seemingly corresponding 
with the Parsi M^shtiha (Zend Mashyovaiilm), the domestic 
animal. The Greek Protrygeter (the Fore-grape-gatherer, 
e Yirginis) refers to the solar rather than the lunar connexion, 
the star rising heliacally just before the time for grape 

In this connection ^ KioJi (the Horn) No. 26 (1) probably 
means the Pole of the chariot and points to an earlier use 
of the term Spica (the Point), afterwards, when the "^rgin 
came to be associated with the autumnal equinox, made the 
ear of wheat.’’ In the Bimdaliesh it is Spur, Zend Cpare- 
gha (the Point), the Arrowhead spoken of in the Mihr 
Yasht for the protection of the chariot of Mithra along the 
heavenly way, the Ecliptic. The Indian Nakshatra is here 
simply Chitr^ (the Brilliant) while the Arab Manzil as Simak 
is a proper name, probably corrupted from Spica. 

No. 27 (2) is IVang (the Neck, or more probably the 
Yoke, which in ancient times rested on the neck .and to which 
were attached the breast-straps). The Celestial Chariot was 
now rapidly approaching the end of its annual journey and 
was about to reach the goal which we shall find in the next 
asterism described below. When with the precession of the 
equinoxes the lunar stations had lost these allegorical meanings, 
the comparatively insignificant stars of the Yoke were not 
thought worthy to mark the ti’ack of the sun (or moon), and 
the bright Arcturus was selected to mark the station in later 
times, called by the Indians Svati, said to mean a sword,” or 
rather “ the good goer ” if from su-at. Apparently however 
the word is connected with the Husra of the Bundahesh in 
Zend Huqrayano (well goer). 

The Arabs adopted substantially the same stars as the 
Chinese to mark the Manzil^ iota^ lambda of the 

Virgin, wHoh the^f called al Ghafr, translated as the Cover,” 



a meaningless term, but evidently derived from a form whicli 
represented the Latin Jugum^ Greek ^svyjitK and Chinese 
K^ang^ and pointing here as elsewhere to the nearer approach 
to the original of the Chinese form. 

With No. 28 (3) Ti (the bottom) the long procession closes; 
but g fe, as well as meaning the foundation ’’ also indicates 
“ to reach/’ hence the place reached, — ‘Hhe Goal.” Amidst many 
trials and dangers and past many stations of greater or less 
importance the chariot of the Year has arrived at its terminus. 
As iH the Roman games it started from ^ Fang (the 
Chamber), the Career of the circus and now has arrived at 
the Meta. It has crossed the equinoctial river in spite of the 
adverse darts of the mighty hunter Orion, and now with his 
arrow pointed at the terminus the archer CCiang drives his 
chariot into the Goal, 

The curious coincidences which mark the names of the 
stations, the resemblances now between Chinese and Indian, 
again between Chinese and Greek or Arab, and oftentimes 
between the latter and old Persian, show that neither can lay 
claim to have been the founders of the system. On the other 
hand the fact that in all, with the exception of a few Arabic 
names evidently not original, the roots can be traced to Aryan 
sources, while the descriptions answer best in the northern 
temperate zone, point to some spot in Central Asia between 
Mesopotamia and the Pamir as the originial home of the 

Notwithstanding the wide extension of the lunar mansions, 
which at one time must have been popularly received from 
China on the one hand to Greece on the other, the system 
cannot have prevailed for many centuries. The nomenclature 
distinctly points to a period when the equinoctial colure passed 
through or near the Pleiades at one intersection and at the 
other through the “ Claws ” of Scorpio, which would fix the 
date as near as may be to 2350 b.o. Traces indeed exist of 


still earlier nomenclature of the principal groups reaching to 
about 3000 b.c., when Aldebai’an and Antares marked the 
equinoctial points, but these earlier names do not seem ever to 
have been worked into a system and exist only sporadically. 

If however the completion of the series of lunar stations, 
and the astronomy to which they gave rise, cannot he dated 
before 2350 b.o., we find that the system cannot have had 
more than two centuides of unchallenged existence. Evidence 
as strong goes to prove that when the astronomers of Chaldea 
adopted the solar signs, and marked the beginning of the *year 
by the solar culmination of the constellations, the* Pleiades 
still occupied the place of honour, marking a date not later 
than 2150 B.c, 

To this date approximately the division of the entire of the 
then visible heavens into constellations has been assigned by so 
good an authority as the late B. A. Pkoctbr, who has more- 
over pointed out the curious fact that the region surrounding 
the south pole of the day remained unplotted till in the 18th 
century a new school of astronomers arose who sought to preserve 
the memory of themselves by dubbing every* petty cluster 
with a name of their own choosing. Those generally accepted, 
such as Octans or Antlia Pneumatica, not to speak of absurdities 
such as the Oa^k of Charles II or the Sceptre of Branden- 
burgh, sound strangely out of place besides the grand old 
"constellations. Even from these we may learn a lesson, and 
the mapping of - the celestial sphere carefully studied is a 
record of much that is interesting and much that is valuable 
in the history of humanity. 


About* three years ago I wrote a short sketch on Chinese 
Chess. While gathering materials and making enquiries on 
that subject, my attention was drawn to the other great game 
of China, which she invented and which she considers far 
superior to Chess, This alone would be suflicient to awaken 
curiosity. We are so accustomed to consider Chess as 
unquestionably the ro^al game, that the simple statement that 
a country possesses Chess and another game, and considers 
the latter superior, is startling. We naturally feel drawn 
on to examine this unknown rival and find out for ourselves 
whether it deserves its claimed superiority. Before we know 
it, Wei^chH has therefore the merit of rousing our curiosity 
by its great reputation. Wei-cJiH is considered par ex-* 
cellence the game of the literary class, while Chess is the 
favourite diversion of military men. This fact establishes its 
precedence in China and has also value in our eyes, because, 
if the flower of the nation, which is always to be found in 
the civilian class, prefers Wei-ch% it must possess, at least for 
the Chinese mind, great attractions. 

Even at first sight Wei’-chH presents several striking 
peculiarities. The hoard on which it is played is very large, 
containing 361 places ; the men are very numerous, as nearly 
200 may be required on each side, and its nature is different 
from that of the games we are already' familiar with. The 



pieces cannot be moyed,^ — once placed on a spot they remain 
there until the end of the game, unless surrounded and 
destroyed by the enemy, when they may be removed from 
the field of battle. The game does not consist of a series of 
skilful evolutions by which each player tries to manoeuvre 
its men to the best advantage and to secure its object in the 
least number of moves ; it is a game of position, each side 
tries to place the pieces in the most favourable way so as to 
secure by their combination a winning position. This last 
peculiarity lends it all its charm. We find a game totally 
different from those we have been accustomed to. The 
difference is not in detail, but in the essence of the game. 
It belongs to quite a different order from Chess and Draughts. 
Moreover, though a game of extreme difficulty, it is of the 
greatest simplicity. There, is not a number of different pieces, 
each with its own peculiar move ; all the men are similar, 
they can be placed anywhere, and they cannot move. Perhaps 
it is owing to this that it has altered so little in passing to 
other countides; while Japanese Chess is as different from 
Chinese as the latter is from ’ European Chess, Wei-^cliH is 
played, one may say, identically in China and Japan. In the 
latter country it is called Go«bang” and is in high repute. 
In the old feudal days the nobles vied with each other in 
having attaclied to their courts celebrated Go-bang players, 
just as they were proud of their bulky wrestlers ; even now 
there are professionals who play with such care and reflection 
that a match-game may often take up several days. The true 
Japanese Go-hang, which is identical with is quite 

different from the game which goes under that name among 
foreigners. The latter is a much easier game, which consists 
in getting five men in a line, no matter whether horizontal, 
vertical or diagonal, and is called “ Go-mutche” by the Japanese. 

The object of the game of Wei-cliH may be stated very 
simply, though it \rill be found sufficiently difficult to carry it 



out in practice. It is to occupy as much space as possible 
on the board and to prevent the adversary from doing the 
same. This can be done both by occupying places with one’s 
men and forming enclosed spaces called territories, as W’^ell as 
by surrounding and taking the adversary’s men, in which case, 
the space, formerly occupied by the enemies one has destroyed, 
becomes part of one’s territory or conquered space on the 
board. To show how this simple principle acts in play produc- 
ing a very interesting game will be the object of what follows. 

Wei-eJiH is played by two players, on a board special to the 
game and with two sets of men of different colour. I shall 
begin by describing the board, and then pass on to the men 
and to the game in general. 

The Wei-oh'i Boabb. 

This is divided into squares like a chess-board, but into a 
much greater number, and without any alternation of colour, 
their total number on the Wei’-ohH board being 324, 18 X 18. 
Even this large number does not fully represent the scale 
of the game, because, as in Chinese Cliess, the pieces are 
played on the intersections of the horizontal and vertical lines 
and not on their intervals ; thus, as there are lU lines in 
either direction, the total number of places on which the 
men can be played is 19 x 19 or Sdl. This is a very large 
number, and at first the game appears quite bewildering from 
the size of the board and the number of men employed. 

The Chinese, in the books which treat of the game, divide 
the board into four equal parts, which they call “ corners ” 
eJuao^ or and which are called by the names of 

the four Chinese tones : — 

^ for the lower left corner. 
Jb „ upper „ 

^ „ „ right „ 

/V » lower „ 



In eacli of these four sections a place is generally marked 
out at a distance of four steps along the principal diagonal 
counted from the outer angle. Each spot is therefore 
equidistant from the two external sides of the section. These 
four points are called ^ ^ (¥un^) and 

^ (cliHenF)^ apd the players generally begin the game by 
alternately covering them, each player occupying two at 
opposite angles. Sometimes the centre of the board is also 
marked. Diagram I. will serve to show what the Wei-^cTiH 
board is like and how it is divided. 

± I- ^ 

¥ A 

I tMnk this place is the most appropriate to give an account 
of the notation employed by iJie Chinese to indicate the 



different spots on tlie board where the men are played. 
As the board is so large, for convenience the notation is 
adapted to the division in four sections, which we have seen 
to exist, and there is a separate notation for each of the 
and \ comers. The Chinese have adopted a system 
which is similar to that used in analytic geometry of two 
dimensions. Every point is determined by giving its per- 
pendicular distances from two axes at right angles, tliat is to 
say, by two co-ordinates. They fix the origin of the axis of 
the abscissas as well as of that of the ordinates at the corner 
of the board, and tlie two sides roi)resent the two axes. They 
count on each of these linos up to the middle of the side of 
the board from 1 to 10, It is evident that, as there are 19 
lines both horizontal and vertical, by counting from each 
towards the middle of the side, the two sets of numbers will 
meet at the 10th, which will be common to both, that is to say, 
to the series commencing from the right and going to the left 
of one corner or section, and to the series commencing from 
the left and going to the right of the other corner or section 
which lies at its side. As each spot on the board is designated 
by two numbers, which respectively represent the length of 
the abscissa and ordinate, it is necessary to show in what 
order they are ahvays.used, that the reader may be able to 
understand in which direction each is counted. For this 
purpose, one must place one’s self successively at each corner 
of the board and look towards the opposite corner ; one will 
then have a series from 1 to 10 on the right side and another 
on the left. Let us suppose the first to represent the abscissas 
and the second tlio ordinates, then every point on the board 
is designated by giving first the number of the ordinate and 
then the number of the abscissa. This rule applied to each 
corner produces the puzzling result that each side of the 
board serves for counting the abscissas of one corner or soctiou 
^nd the ordinates of the next corner or seotSon, 



Diagram II will facilitate tte understanding of the above 
explanations. Let A and B represent the two players. [As 
will be seen later on, the position of the players is quite 
immaterial in this game ; both could play from the same side 
of the board, the only important distinction being the colour 

11 . 

12345G789 10* 98765432 1 



of the board next to B serves for the ordinates on B’s right 
(ji’s or the reader’s left) and for the abscissas on jB’s left (A’s 
and the reader’s right). The side running down on the 
right serves for the ordinates in its upper half and for the 
abscissas in its lower half. To familiarise the reader still more " 
with the Chinese notation, a few spots have been marked with 
the numbers used to designate their position. A notation 
which employs two series of numbers is naturally confusing, 


hcdefff hi jl0d876 54L32 1 






























































































































































1234567 89 1(^’ ihgfedeha 

and therefore, in future, when I shall have' to indicate any 
place on the board, J shall employ letter^ instead of numbers 

to indicate the ordinates and keep the numbers only for the 
abscissas. We shall have thus two series at our disposal, one 
from a to j and the other from 1 to 10 ; this slight variation 
will render the notation clearer, and we shall adhere to the 
spirit of the Chinese notation. Diagram III shows how this 
modified notation is applied to the board and how the 
examples given in the preceding Diagram will be designated. 

The men employed in are round and flat, very 

much like buttons, and of two colours — black and white. Each 
player has a bag or small basket full of men of one colour, 
from which he draws all those he may require in the course 
of play. The players place their men alternately on any of 
the points of intersection of the horizontal and vertical lines 
which is not already occupied by another man of the same or 
adverse colour ; even the points on the four margin-lines 
which enclose the board can be so filled up. 

The object of the game, as I have already stated, is to 
occupy as much of the board as possible, victory being 
decided in favour of the player who has command of most 
spots. Space can be occupied in two ways — by placing men 
on the different points and by forming an enclosure with one’s 
men, the space thus contained being reckoned as one’s 
territory. It is evident that the latter way is more important 
than the first, which alone could not lead to any decisive 
result ; in fact, as the players place their men alternately on 
the board, if they confined their efforts simply to occupy spots 
with their men, the game would end by giving only one spot 
more to the first player, who w'ould have possession of 181 
spots while his adversary would have only 180. This may he 
considered the reductio ad alsurdum of the first method of 
play. We must then turn our attention to the second method 
of play, which is the right one — the occupation of space by an 
enclosure of men — it is this which gives the name to the game, 
Wei (to surround) being its principal object. 



The simplest possible enclosure that can be formed any- 
where on the board, is that of four men enclosing one spot 
which is called an eye and can be seen in the lower left-hand 
corner of Diagram IV. The next in simplicity is that formed 
by six men enclosing two spots,*— an example is given in the 
lower right-hand corner of the same diagram. In the same way 
larger enclosures can be formed with a greater number of men, 
as will be seen in the upper left-hand corner of Diagram IV. 

All enclosures require a smaller number of men to form them 
when they are situated round a corner orlingle of the board, 



as tHen only two sides need be formed, the other two being 
the limits of the board itself. Thus an eye can be formed 
with three men only, as is seen in Diagi\am IV in the tipper 
left-hand angle with the three men a 2, h 2, and h 1. Even 
tioo empty spots can be surrounded by three men in such a 
favourable case, as is shown in the upper right-hand corner of 
the same diagram. All enclosures may be formed not only 
round unoccupied spots, but also round unpi’otected men of 
the adversary, who forthwith are taken and their empty places 
become the conqueror’s territory. 

Fi'om what has been explained, the game might seem very 
tame and uninteresting, but it must be remembered that the 
enclosures, which are formed for occup 3 dQg as much space as 
possible on the board, are made by both players, each of whom, 
while he tries to enlarge the area of his own territorjq trios 
at the same time to diminish that of his adversary, as also to 
destroy in certain cases his enclosures and appropriate their 
territory. The element of strife now comes in and lends 
interest to the game. Eveiy part of the extensive board 
becomes the field of numex’ous engagements, as the adversaries 
pursue their offensive and defensive tactics. The interest of 
the game is not concentrated in one spot as at Chess, around the 
king, but is diffused all over the board, as every single spot 
is equally important in effecting the result of the game and 
counts in the grand total which represents the position of each 
side at the end of the struggle. 

I have just mentioned that enclosures may be destroyed 
in certain cases. It is necessarj’- that I should explain this 
important and interesting feature of the game. In the course 
of play, while one is forming enclosures and extending 
one’s territory, it often happens that one can surround 
completely some of the adversary’s men. These, under certain 
cii’cumstances, are then considered as dead, removed from 
the board, and their places become part of one’s territory, 



Diagram V shows the four black pieces at, o 2, d e 2 
and e 3, entirely surrounded by white men and therefore 
dead. We have another example in the three black men 
situated at, a 5, a 6 and a 7, on the side of the board, and 

a h c d e f g h i j'lO 987 6 54 321 



© — I d 

1 2 3 i 5 5 7 S 2 lOj i h g f e d c b a 

which can be taken by a much smaller number of white 
pieces than if they were placed in the middle of the board, 
as it is enough to surround them only on three sides, the 
other side being formed by the limit of the board itself. 
The four black men at, d 3, e 4, 5 and e 4 present a 

more complicated case ; though they are surrounded on all 

.sides by wbite pieces, still they are not dead, because they 
contain themselves one empty space. To destroy them, it will 
be necessary to play another white man at d 4, then the 
black men being blocked on all sides both externally and 
internally will be considered as dead. We see thus, that 
though not actually dead, they are in imminent danger, — 
they will be captured at next ‘‘move,” as we should say in 
Chess ; in such a case one may adopt a term with which 
Chess has made us familiar, and say they are “ under check.” 

In the upper right-hand corner of Diagram V we have 
another group of black men snrronnded by white ones ; they 
are not however dead, nor can they be possibly destroyed 
by any manner of play. In fact, we can see that the black 
pieces contain within themselves two separate empty spots, 
c 4 and d 5, forming two complete eyes, which would have 
to be filled up to accomplish their destruction. Now this 
is impossible, because, as the players play alternately, as 
soon as White has filled up one eye, Black at his turn will 
take the man that White has played, because it will be 
situated in the midst of his men, and therefore may be 
considered as dead. This might go on for ever, White filling 
np one eye and Black taking the piece, as White to win the 
whole group of men would require to be able to play twice 
in succession. 

We can now establish a fundamental rule of great 
importance, that, Avhatever group of men contains within 
itself two or more empty spots forming complete eyes is 
secure against any attack. Though surrounded it cannot 
be destroyed ; it forms an intangible territory. It does 
not matter where and how^ far from each other these eyes are 
situated, provided they form part of one unbroken group of 
men joined together. The upper left-hand corner of Diagram V 
exhibits a territory which cannot be conquered by the 
adversary, because It contains three complete eyes at, a e i 



and g 9, any two of which alone would he suflBcieiit to secure 
its independence. 

It is necessary now to explain what constitutes a complete 
eye and how several of these can he joined together to form 
one whole unconquerable territory. A complete eye is one 
formed by men all of which are joined together and none of 
which can be destroyed, as, naturally, if any could bo, the eye 
losing a part of its components would no longer exist. In the 
lower left-hand corner of Diagram VI we have four examples 
of different kinds of complete eyes, while in the lower right- 
hand corner we have four examples of incomplete ones. In 
the eye formed by j 1, j 2, i 2 and h 1, the white man situated 
at h 1 is not joined on to the others, and can be surrounded 
by Black successively playing three men at ^1, h 2 and i 1. 
In the eye marked X, the piece at h 4 can be taken by Black 
playing successively four men at g 4, A 3, i 4, and A 5, thus 
surrounding it. In the eye marked W, the two men at e 5 
and d 6 can both be taken, the first by Black playing four 
pieces at 4, / 5, e Q and d 5, the second by Black playing 
four pieces to e d c Q and d 5. In the eye marked Z, 
each of the four men can be captured by Black if he surrounds 
it. From all the above examples we see that the men only 
protect each other along straight linos and not along the 
diagonals: this is very important for the connection of several 
eyes, so as to form a single indestructible enclosure. We 
had already found that it was necessary to have at least two 
complete eyes to secure a territoiy ; we have now examined 
what constitutes a complete eye, and in doing so have found 
how different men protect each other, Le. along the horizontal 
and vertical lines of the hoard. Along these same lines must 
the men be placed that serve to join different eyes forming a 
territory. In the upper left-hand corner of Diagram VI we have 
an instance of how different groups of men are to be joined so 
as to mutually protect each other, Wo have, in the first place, 



a territory containing two complete eyes, and therefore secure 
against attack, extending from the top of the hoard to d 6 and 
^ 7 ; in its vicinity there are two other groups which can be 
destroyed if not joined with it. We have the three men at 
c 7, 0 8 and d 8, which may be joined either at e 8 or c 6, and 
the eight men at / 3, p' 8, h 3, i 3, y 4, ? 4, A 5 and i 5, which 
can also be joined either at / 2 or c 3. White can, by playing 


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only two men, form an extensive territory comprehending four 
complete eyes, and Black cannot prevent him doing so, because 
in each case White has the option of two ways of joining his 














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men, and if Black prevents one by occupying the spot himself 
"White can occupy the other. 

The joining of men along the horizontal and vertical lines 
is most important, and every effort is to be made to effect 
it for one’s self and to prevent the adversary from doing so. 
The position in the upper right-hand corner of Diagram VI 
shows how on the placing of one man may depend the question 
whether a territory shall belong to Black or White. Here we 
have a lot of black men almost surrounded by white ones and 
in danger of being destroyed. If it is Black’s turn to play 
he may save them by placing one of his men at h 5, thus 
forming a second complete eye, which, as we have seen, guar- 
antees an enclosure against all possible attack. But if insteatl 
it is White’s turn to play, he will place one of Im men at li 5, 
threatening to take the black piece at /i 4, which would be 
surrounded on three sides and be, as we should say, under 
check, namely, liable to be taken at next move. Black can 
only save this man by joining him to the rest with another man 
placed at g 4, but then the black territory would have only 
one complete eye and White, at his turn filling up the empty 
space at d 6, would capture the whole lot. Black cannot save 
himself by abandoning his man at h 4, because White would first 
take him by placing a man at g 4, and then at his next turn 
fill up the spot d 6, taking the whole lot as before. Here a 
difficulty however might be made, and which can only be 
removed by explaining another rule of the game. Let us take 
the case it was White’s turn to play and that he has placed 
a man at A 5, thus securing a winning position, which is shown 
in the upper right-hand corner of Diagram VII ; on his next 
turn he plays another man at g 4, and takes the black piece 
at 4 : now it is Black’s turn to play and he has three men 
at 3, /4 and g 5 surrounding the white man jnst played at 
g 4, which we may say is under check ; if he can play a black 
uim at h 4 he can take thi§ white man^'^nd we should th^s 

return to the original position from which we started, and 
White again could take the black man at h 4, and Black again 
repeat his play and so on ad infinitum^ now White taking the 
black man at h 4, and now Black taking the white man at 
g 4. As this would put an end to the game, there is a rule 
that prevents a player from immediately taking a piece under 
these circumstances, i,e, when by taking it he returns to the 
original position, where the piece he has just played can be 
taken again : he must first play another piece in some other 
part of the board, and only after that, on his next turn, can 
he take that piece. This kind of position, where the rival 
pieces are dovetailed into each other and can each attack one 
piece alternately is called Ta cliieJi by the Chinese. This 
rule, which prevents a useless repetition of the same play, 
obliging the adversary first to place a piece in some other 
part of the board, reminds us that though for convenience 
sake we are dissecting the game and examining separate groups 
of men, the ^day goes on all over the board ; everywhere 
territories are being formed and attacked, and if one is losing 
in one corner one may hope to recoup one^s self in some other 

This renders the beginning of the game almost incompre- 
hensible to one who has not studied it thoroughly. The two 
players seem to place their men at haphazard, now in one 
corner of the board and now in another; it looks rather as 
if they were trying to form pretty figures than trying to 
circumvent each other. It is only after a good many men 
have been placed that the object of the game begins to show 
itself in the play, and then gradually one perceives that those 
men which seemed played without any offensive or defensive 
purpose are all useful, and that they were placed oidginally to 
act as outposts for the territories which it was foreseen would 
be formed around them, or as posts of observation to annoy 
the enemy. In fact, as the object of the game is to occupy 


as mncli of the board as possible and to prevent the adversary 
from doing the same, it is necessary to have men strewn 
about everywhere, which may be, in the course of play, joined 
together in one large torritoiy, and which may prevent the 
adversary from joining his men. To show the advantage 
which may be obtained from one of these detached ' men 
placed at the beginning of the game, it is sufficient to 
examine a position which may often occur when one of 


10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 lOj 2 li g f e d c h a 

the players is trying to surround his adversary on one side 
and the latter tries to escape by prolonging his men in a 

diagonal. If botli persist in prolonging their men in Echelon, 
the attacking party must win, because as soon as the defender 
reaches the side of the board (which he must reach if he 
prolongs enough) his adversary will do the same at next turn 
of play, hemming him in. In the lower left-hand corner of 
Diagram VII we have three of Black’s men Sit c 7, d 7 and 
e 6 hemmed in on one side by White men. If Black tries 
to extend his men along the diagonal d 7, e 6 White will 
follow up along the diagonal d 8^ e 7, even to the side 
of the board, where, when Black will have played j 1, 
White will play a 9, thus succeeding in hemming in Black 
on that side. It is therefore useless for Black to try such 
a method of play in hopes of extending his territory, but 
if there happens to be a black man already placed at g 4, 
he may safely employ such a method of play, because then 
when he has played / 5, and White follows up with 
g 5, he has already a man in advance at g 4, which 
gives him, so to speak, a move ahead and enables him to 
prolong in safety without fear of being enclosed on that 

As during the whole game each player is trying to surround 
the men of his adversary and capture them, it often happens 
that while one’s men are being pla 3 ^ed to capture those of 
the other colour, they are exposed themselves to counter- 
attacks, so that it becomes a question of time who will 
succeed first and thus forestall the other. In such cases one 
must calculate very carefully the number of moves ^ required 
by each side to secure victory, just as in an end-game at 
Chess where each player has a passed pawn that can queen, 
and all depends on a move. 

^ I here use the term “ move ” because it is so familiar to us through our 
game of Chess ; but it must be understood that there is no such thing as a 
move iu the game of Wei-ch‘i, where the pieces always remain where they 
are placed, and that the word “more” is used instead of the cumbrous 
phrase “ turn to play.” ^ 



The iTpper left-hand corner of Diagram VIII will give a 
simple instance of the above kind of play. Here we have 
two sets of white and black men which are so situated that 


a I c d e f g h i jlQ ^ ^ 5 4 3 2 1 

a poi tion of each is dovetailed into the other and threatened 
with capture unless it can forestall its fate by dealing 
desti notion on the other. The white men are in three 
groups: first four at g % g \ g 4. and g 5, another three 
at 3, c 4 and c 5, and then the three men at 6, e 6 
and / 6, which are already surrounded by Black on three 
sides and will be inevitably taken unless White succeeds in 
destroying betimes a portion of the attacking forces. This 

is Ms only resource, because he cannot hope to escape by 
prolonging his line of men in any direction, as Black has 
already overlapped him with his two men at c 7 and g 7, 
In fact, if he plays a man at either d 1 ox f 1 - Black 
promptly plays a man either at 8 or / 8, thus closing 
all exit. Escape being impossible, let us see how White will 
fare if he adopts a bolder policy and attacks his adversary. 
Black’s men are distributed in four groups : there are two 
men at ^ 3 and / 3, two at ^ 6 and g 7, two at c 6 
and c 7, and three at 5, € 5 and / 5, which are already 
surrounded by White on three sides and may be destroyed 
before Black can compass the destruction of White’s men. 
This would be easy enough if there were not . the two men 
at e 3 and / 3, because then White, having to play, would 
succeed in achieving the capture of the three- men d 5, e 6 
and / 5 before Black could capture the white men 6, e 6 
and / 6. But the position , being as it is the thing is more- 
difficult, and White can win only by accurate play. His first 
move must be to / 4, and Black must at once join his men 
by placing a man at 6 4 ; if he does not do so, White at 
his next turn will play one of his men at e 4, thus rendering 
impossible any connexion of Black’s men, which will be 
irretrievably lost. If Black plays e 4, the position is again 
difficult for White, because the now connected group of six 
black men again requires the placing of tffiee white men at 
e 2, / 2 and 4 to bo entirely surrounded: under another 
form we are in the same position as before. Each player can 
capture a group of men, .and requires three moves to do it. 
White has only the advantage of first move, an advantage 
which may be lost if he does not play correctly; as before, 
his only resource is in pursuing . a constant attack. He must 
play / 2, threatening again Black’s men ; Black can try to 
escape capture by extending his men, but, as was pointed out 
before, the prolongation of an attacked line, unless it be 



towards another friendly piece, leads to no result. In fact, 
if Black plays e 2, White plays d 2, always threatening 
Black’s men with capture in two moves. It is necessary that 
he should always preserve such an attack, because Black in 
three moves can always capture the three men at 6, ^ 6 
and / 6, which form part of White’s attacking force and 
which if once destroyed would break up all W^hite’s attack 
and secure Black’s men completely. If Black extends again 
to e 1, White plays d 1, preserving his position of a winning 
attack in two moves: thus we see that Black’s men are 
irremediably lost and White has saved his pieces, which, after 
the capture of the enemy, can be connected with the rest 
forming an impregnable enclosure. This simple elementary 
position is instructive, because it shows how, in play, the men 
of both sides can get mixed up in such a way tliat while 
an attack is being made, a portion of the attacking force may 
be subjected to a counter-attack which if successful destroys 
the whole of the original attack. In such cases it is necessary 
to play with great care and to calculate accurately how many 
moves are required for the successful completion of the attack 
and counter-attack. 

The following position will be instructive in showing not 
only how important a single move may be, but also bow 
important is the order in wliicli some moves have to bo played. 
In the lower left-hand corner of Diagram IX we have a group 
of white men situated at, e 6, c 7, c 8, c 9, d 8, b 5, b 6, b 7, a i 
and a 5 which are almost entirely surrounded by black pieces 
and in imminent of danger of being captured ; it only requires 
two black men to be placed at b 4 and a 3 to accomplish this, 
hut the order of these two moves is very important. If Black 
plays a 3 first he wins, because if White joins his men at b 4 
Black plays b 3, taking not only the men that were under 
check, but also the other two men at c 3 and e 4, and if he 
plays something else, Black plays b 4, ""taking aU the men 


nnder check. But if Black, by mistake, plays first b 4, he 
loses : then White plays h 3, capturing the black man just 
placed at h 4, forms one complete eye, and whatever Black may 
do, he will form a second eye rendering his territory intangible. 
In fact, White can form a second complete eye by placing a 
man at a 2, and if Black, to prevent this, does what must be 


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1 2 3 456789 10 

done in such circumstances, places himself a man at a 2, 
White plays a 3, threatening to take a 2 by the next move 
at a 1; if Black extends by playing himself a 1, White plays 
h 1, capturing both men and still forms a second complete 
eye. If Black, having played a 2, plays 6 1, trying again to 



prevent the formation of a second complete eye, White can 
play 0 1, capturing the black man at e 2, and then afterwards 
at his next turn by playing a 1 will capture both the black 
men at a 2 and b 1, and with three incomplete eyes at a 2, 
b 1 and 2 it will he very easy to form one complete one 
either by filling up c 2 or 1. 

In the centre of the same diagram (IX) we have a position 
which, as it is situated in the centre of the hoard, will be useful 
in showing how the notation changes according as a spot is 
in one corner or another. There is a group of black men at 
h 6, t 6, j 7, t 8, J 8, /i 8, A 7 and j 9 which 

enclose two incomplete eyes and are almost surrounded by 
white men.' White can capture almost all of them, but he 
can only do it in one way — ^he must play / 9, He then 
threatens by playing, at his next turn, g 10, to capture the 
seven men at h 6, i 6, j 6, i 7, i 8, j 8 and j 9 ; if Black joins 
his men by playing J 9, White plays g 8, capturing them all 
the same plus the man at ^ 9 ,* Black has therefore no resource 
left. But if White omits to occupy the winning position at/ 9, 
Black can place one of his men at / 9, and form two complete 
eyes within his territory, thus securing it against all attack. 

The upper left-hand corner of Diagram X gives another 
winning position for White : if he plays a 6 he threatens to 
surround and take the five men at a 5, 6 5, i 6, A 7 and c 6, and 
it will be seen that Black cannot save them, because if he 
tries to do so,, his only resource is to play c 5, thus joining 
them to the rest of his men ; hut then White will play h 2, 
threatening the whole lot, and even if Black extends to A 1, 
White, by playing i 1, will still capture them all ; by this 
method of play, Black not only will not save five men hut will 
lose fifteen or sixteen more. It will be better therefore for 
Black, after White has played a 6, to abandon the five men 
under check and look after the safety of the rest by playing 
A 2, thus joining the men that are already almost surrounded 



to tlie ttree men at ^ 2, a 10 and a 9, which ate not snr- 
roxmded. He thus forms a small enclosure of two open spaces 
at A 1 and i 1 and may hope to form another by extending 
from the three men which are free. The fate of this man- 
oeuvre will depend on the position his other men occupy on the 


a h O' d e f g h i j?T0 98765432 1 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ^ lOj i h g f e d G h a 

board ; it will succeed if he can lead up to men that are placed 
near and with whom it may be easy to form an eye or enclosure. 

The position in the lower right-hand corner of Diagram X 
shows how by placing a single man in the right position one 


may prevent the adversary from strengthening his position 
and keeping possession of an extensive territory. Here 
we have a large number of white men almost completely 
surrounded: they cannot be extended so as to join their 
companions at a 8 and h 8, and so prendre la clef des 
champs^ as 'the French say, because Black can always play a 
man at a 6 or a 7, cutting off all possibility of communication : 
they must therefore rely entirely on themselves to secure 
their independence. At first sight this would seem easy, as 
they possess wifchin their territory no less than four empty 
spaces, but on examination it will be found tluit the men 
are disunited in many places, and if Black plays correctly 
he can prevent them forming two complete eyes and by 
successive attacks capture the whole lot. This all depends 
on one move — Black, if it is his turn to play, must place 
a man at a 3, which is the key to the whole position ; after 
that move White is irretrievably lost, nothing can save him 
whatever method of play he may adopt. He can of course 
take the man at a 3 by playing a 2, but this does not alter 
matters, because Black then plays a 6, threatening to take the 
men at a 4 and a 5 ; White may defend these men by joining 
them to the rest with another man at a 3, but this only makes 
matters worse, because Black then plays h 1, surrounding and 
taking all the seven men at a 1, a 2, a 3, a 4, a 5, & 2 and I 3. 
We come to the same result if White does not defend his 
men at a 4 and a 5, because then Black plays first a 3, taking 
them, and then afterwards h 1 taking the rest. As soon as 
Black has captured this first outlying batch, he has only to 
play first d 3 and then / 1 to capture the other four men 
at c 1, 1, 1 and d 2, after which he has only to play 
/ 3 and then h 1 and h 2 to take the remaining white men. 
The same conclusion would have been reached if White had 
adopted a different method of play, and when Black had 
played his first move a 3, had given np ^is men at a 4, a 5, 



and tried to join his men by playing b 1 ; Black wonld then, 
after taking the men at a 4 and a 5, have played a 2 and d 3, 
threatening to take the whole lot a 1, i 1, Z* 2, 3, c 1, 

d 1, 2, € 1, and if White had joined again, playing/ 1, 

Black would have played / 3, and then filled up /i 1 and 
li 2, taking the whole group as before. To show of what 
importance is the spot at a 3, it will be sufficient to point 
out that if White has the move and places one of his men 
at a 3, he renders his position impregnable, because he will 
have then a complete eye at a 2, he can form another by 
placing a man at h 1 or h 2, and he joins them in a con- 
tinuous group by filling up the interruptions at 6 1 and / 1. 

Tlie few examples I have given will suffice to show the 
general character of the game and some of the strategical 
resources at the disposal of the player ; they will show also, 
I hope, that the game is very interesting and full of excite- 
ment at all periods and everywhere on the hoard ; positions 
apparently most desperate may be sometimes saved by brilliant 
combinations. It now remains to be shown how one discovers 
if the object of the game, which we have already stated to be 
the occupation of as much space on the board as possible, 
has been achieved, i.e. how one ascertains which player 
has won. As space can be occupied in a twofold manner, 
by actual occupation with pieces and by surrounding certain 
areas with one’s pieces, it follows that one must calculate 
both the number of pieces of each colour which survive on the 
board, as well as the empty places surrounded and contained 
by tbein. To show this practically, it will be necessary to 
give an example of an ending, and as it would be too long 
to give it on the full board, I will give it on a quarter of 
the board, where the positions will be more simple and the 
calculations more easy. 

In the upper left-hand corner of Diagram XI, there is the 
ending of a game olT a quarter of the board, 10 lines eaob 




side. Both Black and White have secured territories and 
have strengthened them against any possible attack. The strife 
is over, and we have only to estimate its results. Before 
doing so, however, it will be necessary to point out that thei'e 
are several empty spots about the board, which belong to 
neither side and which may be considered as no man’s land. 

Such are. the spots ^ 5, 4, / 4 5 ^ 5, ^ 7, i S and j 7. 

They are now unoccupied and as they are surrounded partly 
by black and partly by white pieces neither side can claim 
them. In such cases they are alternately filled up by the two 
players before the counting begins. AVe will suppose then 



that Black fills up i 8, and White j 7, and so consecutively 
Black, c 5^ f 4, and g 7, and White e 4 and g 5, we shall 
arrive at the position shown in Diagram XII. Here all is 
filled up which is not surrounded and defended by pieces 



and constitutes a territory. We can therefore commence our 
reckoning^ We shall find that Black has 36 pieces which 
contain II empty spots, he has therefore won 47 places; 
‘White has also 36 pieces on the board, but they surround 
17 empty spots, so that White commands 53 places, 6 more 
than Black, and lie has won the game. 


By X J, M. m GROOT, Ph.B. 


Ifc is a well-known fact that the first of all the command- 
ments of the Buddhist creed is “Thou shalt not kill/’ and this 
has always stood at the head of the precepts of the Buddhist 
code in China, eyer since its introduction into the empire. 
Many of our readers will therefore be surprised to learn, that 
Chinese books contain many f>assages relating to Buddhist 
monks who freely indulged in carnage and butchery and took 
an active part in military expeditions of every description, 
thus leaving no room for doubt that warfare was an integral 
part of their religious life for centuries. 

This interesting phenomenon, which seems to have hitherto 
escaped the attention of sinologists, will be made a subject 
of close examination in the present paper. In the first place, 
we propose to throw llgiit upon it by giving, in chronological 
ordei*, a series of extracts which describe such Buddhistic feats 
of arms, all obtained from the best historical authorities, and 
subsequently to endeavour to account for the same bj" consulting 
the leading code of the laws of the Church. We do not doubt 
that the matter will be found lilghly instructive as illus- 
trative of the sj)irit of the Church during many centuries in 
the Middle Kingdom. 

It is recorded in. ^ ^ the Ilistory of the Wei Dynasty that 
the emperor ^ Hiao-wu, who ascended the throne of the 
northern part of the empire in the yeaAf our Lord 532 , had 


in his military retinue S? f|l ^5 S the General Karmadana 
Hwui-chen, who carried on his back the Great Seal and in 
his hand a sword Chapter 213 of ^ ^ the New History 

of the Thang Dynasty, and chapter 124 of f| ^ the Older 
History of this honse, narrate the story of HJ ^ Yuen-tsing, 
a Baddhist priest of Mount ^ Sung in Honan, who, though 
an octogenarian, was at the head of a mutiny in 809 and, as 
such, was made a prisoner after an unsuccessful attack on the 
town of Loh-yang. Condemned to have his foot chopped off, 
he said in a tone of contempt to the executioner, who could not 
get his sword through the ankle-hone ; “ He can not cut off a 
leg, and vet he is called a strong fellow.” Then putting the 
limb in a better position himself, the work was done- 

The M Si SS Tuh-sheng-tsah-chi relates in its first 
chapter: ‘‘Tlie Yaeii-thnng convent of the Ln mountains is 
situated at the foot of the Peak of tlie Horse's-ear, and is 
“a renowned Chaitya on the left bank of the Yangtsze. 

During the Southern Thang dynasty it was endowed by the 
“ emperor witli a thousand hld'ng of land, so that the provision 
“ made for the support of several hundreds of disciples was 
^‘extremely abundant and plentiful. When the royal army 
‘‘crossed the stream, the monks, having formed themselves 
“into a vanguaril, advanced to prevent this; but the city of 
“Kin-ling (Nanking) surrendering shortly afterwards, they 
“retired. If Li Yuh® had loved the people as much as he 
“ loved the monks, the people also would all have known how 
“to make a grateful return to his dynasty.”^ 

* See 0 591 il. Jih-eM4%(,h chapter 29, 

» The^ast monarch of the Southern Thang dynasty. This dynasty was 
annihilated iu 975, when their capital (Nanking) was captured by the first 
emperor of the house of Sung, 

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It is especially in the first half of the twelfth centnry, when 
the northern part of the empire was conquered by the Kin 
Tartars and lost to the Sung Dynasty, that wo see Buddhist 
monks appear as combatants. The 362nd chapter of ^ ^ 
the History of the Sung dynasty introduces us to a military 
priest ^ ^ EP Ohao Tsong-yin, appointed ^ ^ 

Oommander-in-cliief of the infantry and .cavalry in a 
campaign ‘ against the Kin Tartars ; collecting Buddhist 
monks he formed a corps known as f§ !1|^ 

WMW squadron of victorious monks. At the end 
of chapter 455 of the same work we read: ‘‘The monk. 
“Chen-pao was a native of Tai-cheu and an abbot in the 
“Wu-tai monastery in the Shansi mountains. During the 
“troubles of the Tsing-khang period (a.d. 1126) he practised 
“military mancenvres in the mountains with his disciples. 
“ The emperor Khin-tsung sent for him, engaged him in 
“a conversation in a side-hall, and showed him special 
“favour by bestowing rich presents upon him. Returning 
'“to his mountains, Chen-pao' collected more troops to 
“ assist in subduing the enemy. The district was without 
“a governor, the enemy advanced in countless numbers; 
“for days and nights he repelled them, but finally be 
“ could make head against them no longer. Convent and 
“cells were reduced to ashes. The chieftain, of the enemy 
“issued orders for Ohen-pad to be caught 'alive. Brought 
“ before this chief, he contradicted him bluntly showing no 
“ signs of faint-heartedness ; and still the astonished leader 
“could not make up his mind to put him to .death. By the 
“ intermediation of the prefect Liu Tao he tried in a hundred 
“ways to persuade him to espouse the cause of the rebels, 
“but Chen-pao turned a deaf ear to him, and -said : ‘Our law 
“forbids us to betray our trust; I have promised the . emperor 
“of the Sung dynasty to die for hiisi; how ctm. 1 violate 

jBUDDHfStr OtEEGY EbJ CHttfA- lit 

“ my promise ? ’ Cheerfully he suffered death by the 
sword.” ^ 

In chapter 401 of the History of the Sung Dynasty we 
have the following episode, dating from 1160, and relating to 
the same struggle between the houses of Sung and Kin. “ At 
“ the death of Liang, a military chieftain of the Kin dynasty, 
the brave men of Ohung-yuen rose to a man. Keng King 
“levied troops in Shantung, and Sin Khi-tsih advised him 
“ to firmly resolve on an expedition southwards. The Buddhist 
“monk E-twaii was fond of speaking about military matters, 

“ and Khi-tsih had associated much with him in his leisure- 
“hours. During the latter’s stay in the army of Keng King, 

“ E-twmn raised over a thousand men. One night he stole the 
“ seals and fled. Keng King, mad with rage, wanted to put 
“Khi-tsih to death, but the latter said: ‘Allow me a delay 
“ of three days ; if ’within that time I do- not catch him, I will 
“ forthwith consent to die.’ Calculating that the monk would 
“ undoubtedly hasten to the Commander-in-chief of the Kirt 
“ in order to tell him stories both false and true, he pui’sued 
“him post-haste, and having overtaken him, he parted his 
“ head from his trunk, and then returned to report what ha 
“had done.”® 

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In chapter 455 of the History of the Sang Dynasty we 
read: — “Muh Kien-chi was a Buddhist monk from E-hing in 
“ Shang-chen. In the first year of the Teh-yin period (a.d. 
“ 1275) he raised a body of volunteers to keep the country- 
“ people under restraint; the emperor thereupon appointed 
“ him governor of Lih-yang. In the winter of the same year 
“he perished on the battle-field, and the title Grandee of 
“Militi\ry Merit was conferred upon him. The monks of 
“ Man-ngan also levied troops at that time, and bore as they 
“ marched banners with inscriptions of this tenor : ‘ We 
“subdue the Maras,’ and ‘In times of danger wo act the 
“ part of military leaders, but when the difficulties have been 
“ settled, we become monks again.’ In course of time they 
“ too were defeated and killed.” ® 

The military spirit was still in full vigour with the sons of 
Buddha during the Ming dynasty. “ In the Kia-tsiug period 
“(1522-1567) the dignity of general was conferred upon 
“ Yueh-lchuug, a monk of Shao-lin (Honan province). When 
“ Man Piao called warriors into the field to make head against 
“the Japanese in Sung-kiang, over thirty of his disciples 
“ formed themselves into a squadron, and killed a great many 
“ Japanese with iron clubs. They all perished on the battle- 
“ field.” ^ That the monks of that same Shao-lin convent 
have been long famous for their dexterity in the noble 
art of fencing, is obvious from the fact that, already prior 
to the seventeenth century, there existed a book entitled 
^ -F gncing Manual of Shao-lin. The author was one 

* ^ ag #1 m ft A 'liiio ^ ^ ^ H db 
S » Tsl . la if 0 a ^ Pig „ fit 
A A. ii ^ ft ^ H SJ B 1^ H, ^ 

tC, + ^ A a 

^ . — Jih-ohi4uh, chapter 29, ^ 

Buddhist oiMmit In 6nt^k, 


M ^ ^ Wh Yu-chang.® Finally, to quote chapter 292 of 
^ ^ the History of the Ming Dynasty: — “Shi Ki-yen, a 
“Aw-y7n of the Oh^ung-chcng period (1628) was transferred 
“ as Governor to Shen-cheu (Honan provinee). A rebellion 
“ broke out. Sacrificing his private means he raised troops, 
“and intrusted the Buddhist monks of Shao-shih with the 
“ work of drilling them.’^ ^ 

So far for the bare historical facts. No doubt many more 
of the kind are on record, and a much larger number still, 
never committed to paper, are for ever buried in the dark 
womb of oblivion. How, now to account for the martial 
conduct of a mcnkish community, which at first sight is 
entirely incompatible with the spirit of their creed, the very 
first and most holy commandment of which strictly forbids 
the shedding of blood, even of the smallest animal ? 

It is most natural to look for a solution of this question 
in the books of law of the Church itself. If you visit a 
monastery in the empire, and ask the inmates which are the 
precepts on which they frame their religious conduct, in 
order to insure advancement on the way to salvation and 
final deliverance, the first answer always is that they chiefly 
have regard to one book of commandments only, viz. the 
^ M Faoi-mang-^hing or “Sutra of Brahma’s Net.” 
Whoever, it is said in theoiy, conforms himself accurately 
to the ten principal and the forty-eight minor commandments 
laid down in this little book, he shall naturally become a 
bodhisatwa, that is to say, a member of the class of beings 
which is second to Buddha alone. For according to the 
doctrines of the Mah^y^na school, a school that has always 
been preponderant in China, the bodhisatwas enjoy the highest 

® Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, page 124. 



MlLlTANO? SHillir Ot THK 

state of bliss accessible to them, a state lying on the very 
verge of bnddhaship. 

The Fan-mang-kmg, or Brahma’-jdla-^sHfm, has always pre- 
ponderated in China as the chief code of law of the Mahaytina 
school. Tradition uniformly attributes its introduction into 
the empire to Kumaradjiwa. Eelying, it appears, on tlie sole 
authority of f§* ^ Saug-Ohao, a contemporary monk of great 
ability and learning, the authorities all assert also, that the 
great apostle drew it from a much larger Sanskrit work of tlie 
same name, containing no less than 112 chapters; the rest 
were never put into a Chinese garb at all, nor has the 
original work ever been unearthed by European Indianists. 
Mr. Grimblot has, indeed, published a Brahina-jala-sutra ’’ 
amongst his “Sept Suttas Pfl,lis^’ [Paris 1876]; but this 
work turns out, on close examination, to have nothing in 
common with our Chinese Mahfiyana code, except tlie title. 
We have found the Chinese version of Guimblot’s Pali text 
in the 14fch chapter of the ^ ® M Btrffhdgavia 

sHtra^ under the title mmm Sutra of Bralima’s Move- 
ments, wliich would in Sanskrit be “Brabma-jfi,la-sutra.” 

Turning over the pages of the Fan-mang-hhig w'e forthwith 
fall in with the following leading commandment, placed at 
the very head of the whole series of fifty-eight : — 

“Buddha said: If a child of Buddha kills, or tells another 
“ to kiU, or provides another person with the means of killing, 
“ or expresses himself in terms of praise of a murder, or feels 
“ delight at seeing the perpetration of a murder ; — further, if 
“ he kills by means of spells, imprecations or incantations, or 
“is the cause or occasion, the means or instrument of a 
“murder (in any of these cases ho is pdrajita). Anything 
“ endowed with life, thou shalt not wilfully kill. Indeed, a 

A complete ti'anslution of the Fan-wang-hing, us, with an 
elaborate sketch of its influence on the church and the laity, is now going] 
through the press, and will appear nest year m the Transactions of the 
Poj'al Academy of Sciences at Amsterdam. 



“ bodhisatwa should awake in himself everlasting feelings of 
pity and commiseration, and, with submissive and obedient 
heart, avail himself of every fit occasion to save and protect 
“ all living beings ; but if, on the other hand, he should give 
freedom to himself to murder with an easy mind a being 
‘‘‘endowed with life, it is a bodhisatwa’s crime entailing 

Fdrdjita means “expulsion,’^ to wit, from the Sangha, or 
the communion of saints embracing all human beings who 
aspire to the highest holiness, with the dewas, bodhisatwas 
and Buddhas. Any one who violates one of the first ten 
commandments of the Fan-^mavg-Jdnff is pdmjita^ Le. “he 
is cast out beyond the limits of the sea of the Buddhas” 

he loses all prospect of ever being saved, and 
is reduced to one of the three lower paths of transmigration, 
which embrace the infernal beings, the hungry ghosts {pritas), 
and the animals. 

Around the above highest commandment of the Church 
are grouped a series of others, likewise tending to prevent 
destruction of life. The 3rd of the minor commandments 
interdicts the use of all animal food ; the 12th prohibits 
dealing in cattle ; the 32nd keeping dogs or cats, as these 
animals are always seeking to destroy rats. Possessing or 
selling sharp weapons, nets, or snares is forbidden in Nos. 10 
and 32. The 33rd commandment does not even allow a 
child of Buddha to look at armies, regiments, warriors, 
commanders, robbers, or rebels, and the 11th runs thus: 

“ If thou art a sou of Buddha, thou shalt not, for the sake 
“ of gain or food, or out of depravity, carry messages for a 


m ^ ^ a A n, 



state. When armies and regiments meet, and troops are 
^‘raised to fight against one another, immense numbers of 
living beings are slaughtered ; hence a bodhisatwa is not 
‘‘even allowed to set foot in an army, neither to move to 
“and fro between armies — ^how much the more is he then 
“ forbidden to rebel against the state. He who wilfully does 
“so commits a defiling sin of the lesser category ” that 
is to say^ a sin of a deep dye, but not entailing panyita. 
Having thus shown that the supreme kw scripta of tlie 
Buddhist code is as explicit in forbidding bloodshed and 
warfare as it could possibly he, we have now to bring forward 
evidence that there are also plenty of elements in it to prompt 
the clergy at any time to occupy themselves with the bloody 
work of arms. We have such an element in the very first 
instance in the general spirit of devotion to all living beings 
which reigns supreme in the Mahayana community, and is 
brought to the front on every page, nay, in every line of the 
Fan-mang-Ung ; in fact, if we were to pass in review all the 
passages referring to it, it would be necessary to translate the 
whole 58 articles. 

Though forbidding, on one hand, the hearing of arms and 
the shedding of blood, that sj)irit of devotion culminated, on 
the other hand, in peremptory commands to save all living 
beings, even animals, from death, and to take all the misery, 
that could befall them, upon one’s self. “ If thou art a 
“child of Buddha,” so says the 20fch commandment,- “then 
“perform the work of liberating living beings for the 
“ sake of commiseration. Any male person is thy father, any 
female person thy mother — in fact there is nobody from 
“whom thou hast not received tliy life in the course of tlie 

12 ; 

MWjb Wt ii ii ^ 




^‘successive periods of existence thou hast passed through. 
“All living beings of the six paths of transmigration^^ being 
“ thus thy parents, thou murderest thy own father and mother 
“if thou killest or eatest any of them, and also thy own self of 
“former times. Therefore, always perform acts of saving 
“ life, as receiving life through a continuous chain of existences 
“is the everlasting law. Also, exhort others to save living 
“beings from death; and when thou seest a person of this 
“ world attempt to murder an animal, then thou shalt by all 
“ means save and protect it, and deliver it from its misery and 
“ distress.” 

This article is also important as giving an insight into the 
ideas underlying the Buddhist doctrine of respect for life, 
and affords the whole clue to the solution of the qnestion 
under discussion. Bearing in mind that in the Flowery 
Kingdom, as amongstsavage and semi-savage peoples in general, 
warfare has always been simply the greatest destruction of 
liuinau lives imaginable, no exceptions being made for either 
sex or age ; and considering moreover that, in times of war, 
no third alternative is left the people, they must either suffer 
death by the sword or death by starvation in a country com- 
pletely laid waste, it can not surprise us to see Buddhist zealots, 
with the said article of their law in their recollection, unite 
in regular bands to check the raids of rebels and stay the 
shedding of blood by keeping them beyond the borders of 
their parish. It could not occur to them that the prohibitions 
against the carrying of arms were made in order to neutralize 

Be was, men, asliras, infernal iDeinga, pr^tas, and animals. 

'' m m ^ m. - m m ^ m n 
^ m ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 1. m 




that highest commandment of the law to save life on all 
occasions^ and hj all possible means. Where thousands of 
innocent people could be saved from certain destruction by 
killing a comparatively small number of slaughtering enemies, 
the (Question how to interpret the law would not trouble their 
• minds very long. Moreovei', had not the great Indra, the 
highest dewa of their Church, set an example by destroying 
numberless hosts of maras^ those sworn enemies of universal 
peace and order, who were continually collecting together to 
harass Deioas, men and Buddhas in endless conflicts? 

So we see, how little the Buddhist monks cared for the 
letter of their law, and how much stress, on the contrary, they 
laid on its spirit. But there were more commandments in 
their religious code prompting them to place their own lives 
at stake in order to save those of others: — bodhisatwa 
‘^must take upon himself all outrage and injury that could be- 
‘‘ fall any living being whatsover ; the evil he meets he must 
“ himself cheerfully bear, the good he must resign for the benefit 
“.of others.’’^® They may even have been stirred up many a 
time to the fanatical throwing away of their lives in defence 
of the hearths and lives of their parishioners by the following 
commandment (h!o. 16), embodying the highest ideal of sclf- 
sacrifice for the sake of others: “Even to starved tigers, 

“ wolves and lions, and to the whole host of hungry ghosts 
“ thou shalt entirely throw thy own body, flesh, hands and 
“feet, in order to feed and nourish them.”^® 

Two virtues ever stood foremost in China amongst all ethical 
principles, viz. ^ Mao and )ll^ shim, or implicit submission, 
respect and obedience to all persons in authority, from the 

^ flii — the seventh great cominandment. 



emperor down to parents and teachers. The Fan’-mang-king 
also lays the utmost stress upon these, preaching them with 
great emphasis over and over again on every page. Conse- 
quently, it is not to be wondered at that the book in the hands 
of the votaries of the Buddhist law should have played 
the part of a magnifying glass which caused the two 
ancient native virtues to swell into a peremptory order to 
support the throne of the father and mother of the reahn, even 
at the cost of their blood and lives. No doubt we have here 
one of the manifold reasons why Buddhism has found very 
great favour in the eyes of many emperors, and why imperial 
donations of large tracts of land to monasteries and convents 
are frequently recorded in the annals of the empire. Indeed, 
many a statesman must have naturally considered it an act of 
political foresight to create all over the realm powerful settle- 
ments of loyal subjects, which, in times of danger, could be 
quickly turned into strongholds, garrisoned with soldiers 
entirely devoted to the imperial cause, and resolved at all times 
to sacrifice their lives on patriotic grounds. It might, of 
course, occur to those ecclesiastical warriors in some single 
instances to enlist under the banners of the opposite party ; 
but in times of rebellion there is sure to be some diversity 
of opinion on the question tolio is the lawful heir to the 

A last reason for the warlike behaviour of Buddhist monks 
we see in an imperative order of the Farb-mang-king to all 
devoted Buddhists to afford protection to the Sam-Pao, or 
the triad embracing the Buddha, the Law and the Priesthood. 
No one, * says the book, can ever hope for the Bodhisatwa 
dignity, unless he conform in every respect to this most holy 
duty of all Buddha’s children. Now, defending the Sam-Pao 
is identical with protecting monasteries and sanctuaries 
against hordes of invaders and rebels, who, as is fully proved 
by the history of all periods, have never manifested one whit 

120 smvs Ot tTHE j&tTDBfirST OLEUGY, E!tO. 

more clemency for religions than for secnkr bnildings. 
Indeed, when a convent is destroyed, the Buddha to whom 
it was dedicated comes to -grief, because his worship is siid- 
.denly brought to an end ; the Dharma suffers also because 
preaching and printing tracts come to a violent standstill; 
and, finally, the Sangha have a very bad time of it, owing 
to their being bereft of the home which not only afforded 
them food, raiment and shelter, but also the opportunity to 
work themselves up to perfection and salvation. 



Mr. E. H. Parker, in the China Review [vol. xx, pp. 1-24 and 
71-100] gives what he calls a history of the Turbo-Scythian tribes, 
l translated apparently mainly from the Hou Han Sim, There was 

scarcely any need to introduce here a new title, and Mr. Parker, 
it may be remarked, throughout does injustice to his subject by 
introducing names for which there is no authority, as e,g. Huns 
for Hiung nu and Tunguses for the Chinese ^ or Eastern 
Tartars. The History of the Hiung nil, Mr. Parker is probably 
unaware, has already been translated for the Anthropological 
Society 1 by the late Mr. Alexander Wylie, and Mr. Parker’s 
translation can hardly be looked upon* as an improvement on that 
veteran rendering. Who the Huns of the European writers were 
we have yet no certain knowledge; it is quite possible that/the 
Hiung nh, after their defeat by the eastern tribes, did join with 
allied tribes in their inroads into Europe, but there is an unfilled 
hiatus of a century, and certainly there is no etymological connexion 
between the two. The appellations by which the Chinese borderers 
were known, ^ Jung or ^ Hfi, both point to an original Nur 
or Niru ; while the prefix Khang, K^iiien or Hiung, taken in 
connexion with the form ^ dark Jung, by which they were 
likewise known in the Tso chwan period, point to the sound kara 
black. It is also to be remarked that during this period there 
were other tribes known as White and Ked Tik. Uiru in modern 
Turkish means “strength,” and some modification of this Was the 
term used by the people in naming themselves. 

The Hou Han Shu, quoting from the Shi hi, says that under the 
Shen ya Maotun the Hiung nu had extended their dominion to 


' Journal Anthropological Inst*, Yol» II) Ho, III, 



its widest limits. On the north they controlled the Northern Yi 
tribes, and on the south contended on equal terms with China. 
The Hoii Han Sim then gives the titles of the principal offices. 
The family name of the Shen yn (I quote Wylie) was 
Lwanti, and his national designation ^ ^ Ch^ang li kutffi 

Shen yii. Ch^angli in the Hiung nii language signified Heaven/^ 
and kutffi was “ Son/’ while Shen yii expressed ‘^Majestic Grandeur.” 
The whole, he adds, implied the Shen yii comparable to Heaven, 
This passage does not occur in the original Shi Id, and there 
is probably good reason for its later introduction. The Chinese 
language was during the period of the early Hans in an unsettled 
condition, and with the consolidation of the Empii'C was acquiring 
its modern form. The older history indeed states that the Hiung 
nu chief was called the ^ ^ Tan yii, which later we are told was 
to be pronounced Shen yii. The old form stood for Tiingri or 
Tangri light, but as gri seemingly became softened to yii it 
was looked upon as the rendering of tenvir (brightness, light). 

Taking up the Shi lei again, the principal officers of the Court 
are described as below. 

1®. The Left and Eight Hien wang, Faithful princes, ^ 3E* 

Regarding these we are told that in the speech of the Hiung nu 
Hien was ^ ^ T‘n kfi. This is pure Turkish ; Dogru meaning 
‘‘strait; faithful, true.” Hence we are told the heir to the throne 
was always known as the left Dogru prince. 

2*". The Left and Right ^ ^ Ku(k)}i. 

This word, we are told, in the later work, to call ^ Lu(k)li ; 
I can’t, suggest a reason. 

3®. The Left and Right Great Generals 

There is no Turkish alliteration here. 

4®. The Left and Right Great gf Tu wei. 

Possibly Turkish D^ver (prince or judge). 

5®. The Left and Right Great ^ ^ Tang hu* 

This is again Turkish. The word represents the Darkhans of 
the eastern Turkish courts. These were distinguished officers who 
enjoyed without question the right of entrance to and egress 



from the presence of the ruling prince at all times. The office 
was hereditary for nine generations, and the beaters were free of 
assessments of all kinds. 

The Left and Right # # Ku(h) tu lieo. 

From the Left and Right down to the Tang hu the greater were 
knights assessed at ‘‘ten thousand/^ the lesser at one thousand 
op more ; in all there were twenty-four, all called knights of ten 
thousand; the greater offices were hereditary and of ^ Hu yea 
■(kerun or noble) families; then came the Lam families. [This 
is evidently an error, the Gheng yi stating on the authority of 
© I'hat Hu yeu now is a clan name ‘amongst 

the yien pi [see below'] and that the Hu yen and Lam are both 
family designations, apparently only different transliterations of 
the same word kerun.] After them came the ^ Sii pu(k) 
(Sherif or honourable) families. The Hou Han Sliu adding 
that the Hu yea and Sii pu families constantly intermarried with 
the Shen yiis. The Left officers were stationed in the eastern, the 
Right in the western divisions of the land. 

Lying immediately east of the Hiung nu and conterminous with 
them were the ^ Sien pi or fW Wu hwan. Although so 
different in their modern form, the two names contain the same 
elements. Sien pi was originally XJsli-var, while Wuhwan resolves 
itself into U-swar. The original name of the tribe then was 
Usuri, which still survives in that of the great river which, rising 
on the north-western flanks of the Ch‘ang pai shan, drains the 
eastern part of Manchuria and debouches into the Amur, Accord- 
ing to Gabelentz [Mandscliu-Deutsohes Worterhucli] Usuri was 
still in the days . of the present dynasty the name of a Manchu 
clan [Name eines Stamms der Mandschu], having thus survived the 
wear of some twenty centuries. In the 5th century Klaproth 
places in these regions the ^ ^ Shih wei, which is simply a 
modern transliteration of the same word. 

Another nation, over whose history and connexions what we may 
call without disparagement the fascinating romance of Gibbokt has 
thrown a mist, is the fair-complexioued mi blue-eyed race of th9 


Before Anthropology was in any sense a science we do 
not Wonder at an author so careful as Gibbon believing in the 
possibility of a people changing their most characteristic racial 
peculiarities under the inflaence of climate. He speaks of the 
Euthalites or ISTcphthalites, otherwise the white Huns, as a colony 
of the Hiung nh who established their dominion in the fruitful 
and extensive plains of Sogdiaiia.’’ Their manners were softened 
and even' their features were insensibly improved by the mildness 
of the climate and their long residence in a flourishing province/’ 
^‘The white -Huns,” he adds, “ a name which they derived from the 
change bf their complexions, soon abandoned the pastoral life of 

■ This is one of the chapters of History that had better never been 
Written. The uncritical mind has a tendency always to reject the 
kernel- of grain in the mass of chaff, and our uncritical Oliiuese 
students of the present epoch form no exception to the rule. 
Kl-afroth [^TaUeaux de VAsie^] has given a series of maps which 
mark out fairly well the migrations of the Yueti, and the writer 
[Trans, of the R. A. S, of Gt Britain and Ireland^ May 1878] 
has gone more into details. So far from being an offshoot of the 
Hiung nu, the Yueti, Haithalah, EfdMvocc or White Huns, for the 
names are identical, were their bitterest enemies, while their racial 
characteristics were equally unlike. The history of the Yueti 
begins before the foundation of the Chinese power. When Wan 
wang, retreating before the intruding Tiles, as we learn from the 
Hwang yi III. 1. vii] arrived at Yung, he was attacked by 

^ Mieh (Maddh), whom he defeated. The Tso chioan [IX, 4] 
gives us to understand the full name of the people was ^ ^ 
Miei sii, Maddhal, (dal being the original form of more late sii). 
These Maddhs or Maddhals disappear from history till the con- 
quests of Ts‘in again opened the road to intercourse. Then we 
find them as ^ J[g Yueh ti, or Yiddhals, occupying Central Asia 
from Lungsi in the west of Kansu to the Pamirs. Here they 
remained a flourishing people till 177 B.o.,^when they were expelled 
by the Hiung nii under cireumstancea of parfcieular barbarity^ 



Thej crossed the passes of the upper Oxns into Bactria, where 
j(nning with the M Tochars, they founded the empire 

of the ludo-Scyths, which continued for some centuries a powerful 
people. Their descendants are still to be found in the elevated 
table-lands between Merv and Herat. 

Another fair-haired race lay west of the Hiung nu, as the latter 
came into historical prominence; that was the Wu sun, the 

Asii or Tasiani of tlie Classical writers. We hear of them first 
as the Issedons of HerodotuB,’ living on the east bank of the 
Jaxartes. They are spoken of as distinguished for their fair hair 
and blue eyes. There is little doubt that they were a Gothic 
tribe, Issedones representing the Gothic -West-Saetons and Wu 
sun, theWasons or “ Dwellers,’^ the name apparently by which 
they called themselves. 

These facts enable us to form some judgment as to the course 
of events in Central Asia and throw considerable light on the 
migrations into Europe. The Pamir table-lands and the adjoining 
plains have formed not only a water parting for the great rivers 
of Asia, but also what I may call a folk-^slied for its people. Some 
18 to 13 centuries - before Christ this district was inhabited by 
Aryan tribes; these, traditicm Indian, Iranian and Chinese tells 
us, were attacked and routed, and the survivors dispersed. The 
Iranian tradition of Jemshid, and Zohak, the Azhi Dahaka of the 
A vest a, the Indian of A hi and Traitana, and the Chinese of 
King Pai driven from Pin^ by the encroachments and exactions 
of the ^ Tiks, point to the same irruption of a semi-barbarous tribe 
of Pahaks or Piks, probably a branch of the great Turkish people, 
who coming down from the north dispersed south, west and east 
respectively, the ancestors of the Indian Aryans, the Iranians, of 
Persia, and the Chow tribes of China. 

This inroad was followed by many others which have left their 
marks in the tradition of all three people. In the second century 
B.o. a similar movement, headed by the Hiung nu took place. 
As we have seen, the Hiung nu W'ere a Turkish tribe who had 

® MewiVfS, I. 2,. XIV.. 



probably since the time of the previous dispersion remained on 
the flanks of the T‘ien shan. Impelled by a force from behind, 
they again acted like a wedge driven in amongst their marching 
neighbours. Wusuns were driven west, Yueti south-west, Chinese 
hemmed up on the south-east, and the Tung hu tribes forced 
east. In all quarters the current of history was altered and the 
foundation of the modern states of Europe as well as Asia laid. 

But the Hiung nu were not alone ; behind them in echelon lay 
tribes of Altaic origin, Finns, Samoiyedes, Tuuguses, etc., the former 
inhabitants of the countries watered by the affluents of the great 
Siberian rivers. These, pushed forward by increasing cold, in their 
turn pressed on the Hiung nu who, as much forced as forcing, 
were the head front of those tribal movements which finally, by 
precipitating on Europe the fugitives from their old scats in mid- 
Asia, destroyed the Roman Empire. 

Mr. E. H. Parkek is a good Chinese scholar, and may yet, 
if he put himself in training, do good service. At present he has 
one great failing, which mars the usefulness of the work he 
has assayed; he has unfortunately a deep-seated antagonism to 
precision of either thought or language. In addition, he has little 
conception of the rules of evidence, and is apt to take up seriously 
the most vague and unsupported statements. His philology again 
is of the ante-Bopp and Grimm period, crude and indigested, while 
he seldom or never quotes his authorities. He has, I believe, in bis 
new appointment ample leisure to pursue his studies, while new 
surroundings will doubtless tend to soften down those asperities 
which have hitherto marked his writings. May we hope to have 
something better from his pen than his History of the Turho- 
Scythian Tribes, 


On making some notes on the condition of the rural population 
in China generally I was struck with the accounts of Shantung 
given in vol, xm, pp. 82-89, which I found gome difi&culty at 

i^O^ES ANi> '(JuaMES. 

the time in reconciling with other reports. A visit to the regions 
described seem to throw light on the subject. 

The ordinary currency, of western aud central Shantung at least, 
is the cashj but a tzaOj nominally 1,000 easily actually contains only 
500. The business of the country is carried on largely in bank 
notes up to ten or twenty tiao, but these are exchangeable for only 
one-half their face value in actual cash, so that it is necessary to 
stipulate, in making a bargain, whether the money is to be paid in 
coin or in money of account. 

Again the tael in common use is the Kuping, and averages 
9 per cent, better than the Shanghai tael of *098 alloy. 

A mow, in the districts mentioned by the Rev. 0. S. Meadows, 
is held to consist of 720 hung, the equivalent for what is here 
known as a square so that 2 instead of 6 mow are the equivalent 
of an English acre. 

I found the selling price of land in Szechwan district j||) 
varying from 50 to 75 taels per mow of 720 hung. 

Sheo Kwang hien was one of the districts that suffered 

most from the recent famine. Though it possesses in the higher 
ground some fairly good agricultural land, a large portion of the 
district consists of irreclamable salt-marsh. 

These districts supply a large proportion of the emigrants to 
Manchuria, but agriculture is of a very low class, and the orchards 
and mulberry plantations are gradually disappearing. The hills 
have long been denuded of trees to the serious loss of the lower 


Ancient Use oe Wheels fok the Propulsioh op Vessels 
BY THE Chinese. 

In the -If an abridgement of Chinese History, 

there is a curious passage which shows that wheels for propelling 
vessels were used in ancient times in China. As I am not aware 
that the matter has been noticed before, I append the passage with 
a translation. In the reign of Kao -tsung (;1127-“1163 a.d.) of th^ 

HoiiBs Ail^'C QttikiiB. 

SoQthem ' Sung dynasty thete was a rebellion near tbe iafee, 

headed by a certain Yang Yao. The emperor sent against him troops 
commanded by Yao Fei, and the historian in describing the final 
battle gives the following particulars: iil Ira 7ic o ^ 

^ .1 ^ # ii Z 

The vessels of Yao striking the water with wheels, went along 
as if they were flying; they carried poles on the sides to strike 
and break np any vessels they run against. Fei scattered rotten 
wood and straw on the water to obstruct the wheels and so prevented 
them moving. He won a complete victory, and Yao, finding his 
dexterity of no avail, jumped into the water and died, 


Kew awd Walsh, Limited, Pbiniers, aiiANaitAi* 



Minutes of Peoceedings at a General Meeting held at the 
Society's Library^ Musetm Road, Shanghai, on Monday, 
lltJi May 1891, at 9 pjn. 

Dr. Joseph Edkins occupied the chair. There were about 
twenty members present. 

The minutes of the last meeting were read by the Hon. Sec., 
Mr. Mencarini, and confirmed ; and it was announced that a 
paper by Mr. Williams on “ Hung Wu and his Capital ” would 
shortly be read, after which the Chairman called on Dr. Macgowan 
to read his paper, on the ‘‘ Probable Foreign Origin of the Ass, 
Sheep and Cat in China,’’ which was as follows : — 

Kesearches into the domestication of animals, as a branch of ethno- 
logical inquiry, have long engaged the attention of anthropologists, 
biologists and sociologists. The following is submitted as a humble 
contribution to what has been already given by others. 

The Chinese in their numerical co-ordination of concrete and 
abstract nature, consisting of the score of categories in which the 
“ Six Domestic Animals ” are comprised, of the horse, ox, goat, pig, 
dog and fowl, which seems to indicate that when that formula was 
framed, neither cat, nor sheep, nor ass, had been domesticated in 
this country. 

Observe also that, when familiar beasts were selected to denote 
years of the duodenary cycle, that to the “Six Domestic Animals” 
there was added the rat, tiger, hare, dragon, serpent and monkey, to ; 
complete the dozen, as if ass, sheep and cat were too little known 
to meet the object in view, which was the employment of the most 
familiar representations of animated nature for the duodenary nomen- 
clature. Still more striking is the absence of the ass, sheep and cat 




from the twenty-eight zodiacal constellations, which are represented 
by best known animals. The “ Stellar Mansions ” contain the six 
domestic animals, and the twelve animals of the duodenary cycle, to 
make up the full number for the starry canopy, the badger, fox, 
leopard, wolf, pheasant, raven, ape, griffon, bat, swallow, porcupine, 
tapir, muntgak, deer and worm were added. 

In the Cat Parterre ’’ an attempt is made to explain the absence 
of the cat from the constellations (the author rejecting the modern 
origin of that animal, was naturally led to seek an explanation) by 
supposing that as the fox its congener — so considered Chinese — had 
a place therein, the cat was considered superfluous, but as the monkey 
and ape, tiger and leopard, dog and wolf, etc. stand side by side in 
the firmament, his conjecture fails to solve the difficulty. Is not 
the solution to be found in the subsequent acclimatisation of the ass, 
sheep and cat ? There is ample reason to regard the ass as being 
absent from the list of domestic animals because it was not an 
archaic beast. Inconstestibly the hybrid mule is of comparative 
modern origiu in China, dating back only about a score of centuries. 
Lexigraphically considered the ass is a “black horse,*’ a variety 
that was considered the most vigorous of the species ; its offspring 
by the horse is written “affiliated horse.” A miscellany of Sungaria 
states that “ the mule was not seen during the Hsia, Shang and 
Chou dynasty ; that it was a cross between the ass and the horse 
from Mongolia=Hunland. It is regularly bred in the north, and is 
worth in the market twice as much as the horse ; it is popularly re- 
ported that its bones are marrowless, which is the reason of its 
inability to produce its kind. Again, it is recorded in a Ming 
cyclopedia : “ The mule is stronger than the horse, and is not a 

natural product of China ; in the Han era it was regarded as a re- 
markable domestic animal. ” Is it in the least likely that if the ass 
existed during the three ancient dynasties, that there was no cross- 
ing with the horse? Indeed is it not supposable thiat the Hun 
Mongols. had not themselves been long in possession of the Eqmis 
Asimis^ but derived it from Mid-Asia, where the animal is fpund in 
several varieties in a wild state ? I question if any reference to the 
is to be found earlier than in the After Han History, in which we 


read of the Emperor Sing [168-189 a.b.] driving four asses attached 
to his carriage, an act that immediately caused the price of that 
animal to rise to that of a horse. 

Sin-tsen, the famous poet of the middle of the eighth century a.b., 
gives a picture of a combat between an ass and a tiger in Kweichow, 
which shows that the two animals were strangers to each other, the 
ass being an alien. At the first sight of an ass, and hearing it bray, 
the tiger was alarmed by the novelty, and seemed to look upon the 
stranger as one about to devour him, but the tiger stealthily ap- 
proached the donkey, who when near enough boldly kicked the fierce 
autocrat of the animal kingdom ; the kick, however, only seemed to 
show that the kicker could inflict no serious damage, whereon the 
tiger seized the offender and made a meal of him. 

The above is all that I can lay my hands on to show that China 
is not the original habitat of the ass ; but before dismissing him I 
will make a few additional statements. 

That the black ass which is pictured in the “ Imperial Compend ’’ 
is a bold animal, is shown by the following from a monograph of the 
Ming period on tigers : 

An eunuch possessed a black donkey which he presented to the 
Emperor ; it was able to travel three hundred and more miles a day, 
and to fight tigers. His Majesty ordered its courage and strength 
to be tested. A single kick killed the tiger that was set against 
him ; and by three kicks he killed another, when a lion was merci- 
lessly at once pitted against the brave conqueror, whose spine was 
broken by the lion. Its speed is repeatedly alluded to, confirming 
what Xenophon in his Anabasis says of the wild ass, as swifter of 
foot than the horse. Take the following anecdote : An owner of 
an ass in Shensi lent it to his son-in-law. The animal fi.ew, and in 
a few hours galloped a hundred li (83 miles). Why did you return 
so soon ? ” asked the old gentleman. The mendacious young man 
answered that the beast was of no account and returned after makiiig 
about three miles. Discovering the uselessness of the animal, he 
ordered it to be killed ; on hearing which the son-in-law hastened to 
cjcplain that he w^s only jesting j hut th^ aa# wai .ak^ady MUed^ to 



the young man’s great chagrin, for it was found to have six kidneys, 
which showed its capacity for travelling a thousand li a day. 

[Among references to wild asses, two species are monaceros, which is cor- 
roborative of numerous authentic accounts of unicorns, which I have collected.] 

The Sheep. 

The ancient mode of writing the character for ^yang (goat) was 
ideographic, four strokes on the top to represent horns, two horizontal 
strokes representing legs, and a perpendicular one to represent body 
and tail. The modern form gives an additional parallel stroke like 
the word for horse; it is a simple, not a compound character, and 
when sheep came to be known, instead of making a new character, 
sheep was denominated the Hu~yang Hiin-goat ”), indicating its 
origin and affinity. Yang (goat) is often translated sheep, the ear- 
liest instance being found in one of the wherein the Court 

habiliments of Wen-wang are named lambskins and sheepskins, — 
circa 1160 b.o. But were those robes certainly the skins of sheep? 
Not certainly, for the skins of goats were used then as now for 
clothes. Let that be borne in mind, and also the fact that Hun ’’ 
goats are not so named before the period of the Tang dynasty, — say 
the seventh century a.b. ^ Let it he farther noted that the goat 
was one of the sacrificial animals, as at present; the goat was at the 
first selected for sacrifice when sheep were Unknown. Admitting 
that in the Ode sheep are meant, it merely refers their introduction 
further up the stream of time. 

The Cat. 

[Simultaneously with the commencement of Dr. Maegowan’s paper 
on the cat, a loud caterwauling was heard outside the building, which 
moved the auditors to a general expression of merriment, even the 
grave President’s visage relaxing at the amusing coincidence. The 
speaker felicitated himself on the interruption, and remarked that it 

♦A Yisulcous wild goat described as existing on the mountains of the 
North-West, which some intrepid successor of Peejvalsky is destined to 
dCBcribej was simply denomiu^ted “ Sun goat,” indicating its origin, 



was not often a lecturer was favoured with such an apt and an oppor- 
tune illustration of his theme. Subsequently one of the audience 
suggested that the phenomenon was pre-arranged, as if some hoarse, 
stridulent coolie had been engaged for diversion to relieve the meet- 
ing of natural ennui; but another knowing the doctor to be innocent 
of facetiousness, ascribed the noise to a cat spirit protesting against 
sheep and donkeys having had precedence while it was dragged into 
the fag end of the lecture.] 

Ignorant as I am of the details of the recent discussion on what 
has been denominated as the Great Gat Question” it is not unlikely 
that sinological lore has already been laid under contribution, and 
therefore I may have been anticipated to some extent in my re- 
searches ; the outcome of which, however, is negative, only leading 
to the conclusion that the original habitat of the domestic cat was 
almost certainly west of Eastern Asia. The Chinese name for cat 
is, as they say, an imitation of the voice of the animal, an instance of 
onomatope in the same way as the ancient Egyptian word. Inquire 
of a Chinaman (say in the Chekiang province) why it is the custom 
to suspend dead cats from tree branches, and he will generally reply 
that it is to facilitate the departure of the spirit of defunct grimalkin 
to its distant native country. Consult the Erh-ya Dictionary,” 
latest edition, and you will find a citation from a standard work 
which discloses the fact that: Yeiin-chuang, the pilgrim monk who, 
in the seventh century a.b. returned after sixteen years’ wander- 
ing in India, brought cats with him to protect his collection of 
Sanscrit Buddhist books from rat-gnawing. That account, however, 
is somewhat invalidated by the following anecdote of Confucius : 
Tseng Shen and Min Tzii, canonised disciples of the Sage, were listen- 
ing outside to the Master’s music, who, as was his wont, was soothing 
himself by thrumming the lute that he loved so well, when suddenly 
the strain was changed. On entering and inquiring what the change 
.meant they were told by Confucius, that he had seen a cat mating 
for a rat, and that he struck up another tune to stimulate the cat 
in its attack on the rodent. 

These conflicting statements are from, authoritative sources, and 
it is impossible to offer a satisfactory explanation. Possibly the 



cat of Confucian times was only* a partially domesticated wild cat. 
[Cases are recorded when the young foxes and wild cats were 
kept for a time as ratters.] Or the animal might have been a 
marmot or loris which the Felix domestica supplanted, taking its 
name. Eegarded lexigraphically the cat, as the character implies, 
attacks animals destructive of shoots, as if its sphere was fields 
rather than houses. There must have been some ground for the 
statement of the cat having been brought from India; it is hardly 
likely that in all the long periods of Chinese history it should be 
named but twice, as a domestic animal once (in the Chou dynasty 
and once in the Say dynasty), if it had been the household creature 
that is so often named in after times. However, I am willing to 
concede that tabby was a family pet even chiliads ago, while I hold 
that, nevertheless, it was originally brought to Eastern Asia from 
the West. 

Chinese Oat Lobe, 

Folk-lorists and cat-fanciers, if no other class of readers, will thank 
me for selecting from nnmerous anecdotes from supplementary notes 
on the house or family fox,” as tabby is denominated by the 
Chinese Metempsychosis, the part he plays in feline stories. 

A monk who was moribund and in debt to his superior, stated that 
after death he would make recompense in whatever form of life he 
happened to find himself. One night the abbot saw in a dream an 
apparition of the departed monk. On waking he found that a large 
kitten had just been born, weighing over a dozen pounds, which ever 
after guarded the monastery, intuitively detecting evil-disposed 
visitors, whom it attacked and bit, doing duty as a fierce and 
intelligent mastiff, — it was the impecunious brother who, having been 
born a cat, came faithfully to fulfil the vow he had made as a man. 

The Empress Tze [648 a.b.] caused the death of a concubine, 
who when moribund declared her intention to be a cat in her next 
birth, whereupon all cats were banished the palace. 

Many effects are given of the voice of the cat on rats; for 
example, a work of the Ming era says th^t in 1460 A.p. a cat that 


Was Sent as tribute from a foreign state of the West, attracted much 
attention while passing through Shensi. The bearers of the tribute 
were questioned concerning the animal ; in answer, they said an 
experiment will explain. The iron cage containing the cat was 
placed in a room, and on the next morning more than ten rats were 
found dead before the cage. The keeper then said, wherever this 
cat is taken rats for more than a mile round will all come to die 
before it. It is the king of cats. 

About 40 years ago there was a cat in Hunan, which, like the cat 
from the West, had an attractive force which drew rats to die 
before it. A house where rats were never seen previously was 
undergoing repairs, when the nest of a cat was exposed, and 
hundreds of dead rats were found there, who had come to die in the 
presence of the cat sovereign. 

Combats between cats and rats are not uncommon. A work 
published about 150 years ago gives an interesting account of a 
cat that displayed remarkable intelligence in a battle-royal with a 
large fierce rat, which was as large as the cat itself. It killed the 
best of cats that the country could produce ; it infested the palace, 
and any number of the natural food of the rodent was of course 
procurable. Finally a cat, white as snow, was sent as tribute from a 
foreign kingdom, which was shut up in a room where the rat was 
expected to appear. Courtiers, observing from the outside, saw the 
rat emerge from its hole. The cat was sitting ; the sight of her 
enraged the rat. He rushed towards her; she jumped on a table ; 
the rat immediately clambered up after her, whereupon she jumped 
to the floor ; he followed ; she ascended again, and so led him a 
dance. The courtiers thought the cat was frightened, but it was 
merely her tactics. After the rat had got up and down about a 
hundred times he got thoroughly exhausted. Observing the 
condition to which she had brought her prey, the cat seized him 
and gnawed his head, both animals making a great noise. The 
courtiers now entered and found the rat had been gnawed to death. 

A work of the reign of Chien Lung [1723-35] contains a graphic 
account of a conflict between a colossal rat and a champion cat. A 
granary contained a great rat that had killed all the cats that had 


been bought for its destruction, until a trader from the west of 
China offered to sell, for Tls. 50, a cat which he guaranteed would 
destroy the rat. On being placed in the granary the cat concealed 
herself in the grain; the head only being exposed. She was 
unperceived by the rat, which she allowed to exhaust itself by 
exercise, then she seized it, and held her grip during the whole day, 
till her victim died, but she also died. The rat was found to weigh 
30 catties (about iO lbs.) 

Oats are sometimes credited with great attachment. A work of 
the Sung dynasty gives an account of an occurrence at ISTanldng as 
an illnstration. A man and his wife who were reduced to abject 
poverty, and involved in debt, determined to commit suicide, first 
taking their last meal together ; but when the viands and liquors 
were before them, they had no appetite, so strangled themselves 
fasting. Their cat did nothing but cry, refusing to touch the food, 
and starved itself. Another recent work tells of an analogous case 
in the same city. An aged concubine, in a family of note, made 
pets of cats, having no less than thirteen of them, whom she treated 
as children; each had its name and would come when called. In 
1776 she died in her 70th year. Her thirteen cats cried by the 
side of her coffin. They refused their favourite fare, and' 'bn the 
third day all were found dead. 

In like manner the cat of Mr. Cheng, of Taiwo, refused to leave 
his coffin and died seven days after her kind master’s death. 

‘ Instances are recorded of cats and rats fraternising. In 774 A.t>. 
there was found in the house of a soldier a cat and rat occupying 
the same place together, living in harmony. His general put the 
happy family in a cage, and presented them to the Emperor, 
whereupon a minister congratulated the Emperor on the auspicious 
event. But another Minister contended that it was unnatural and 
ominous of evil. A common proverb says Venal officials 
consort with thieves.” 

A Tang author refers to a similar case in Honan in 661 a.b. 
He likened the cats to mandarins who made no attempt to arrest 
offenders. In 1195 a.d. a cat was observed in Kiangsi followed by 
ten rats, for whom she procured food. Sotne one killed the cat, 


when tie rats lapped her blood. Perhaps the most interesting, 
psychologically at least, was the information this author communicated 
on the subject of cat delusions ’’ prevailing epidemically. At the 
commencement of the Sui Dynasty [a.d. 581] the cat spirit inspired 
greater terror than the fox did subsequently. The hallucinations of 
cat spirit mania prevailed, fonjning a remarkable episode in Chinese 
history, only to be likened to the fanatical delusion of witchcraft 
that frenzied Europe a thousand years later. It was believed that 
the spirit possessed the power of conjuring away property from one 
person to another — from an irreverent unbeliever to. a pious 
devotee — inflicting through incantations bodily barm. Such was 
the universal opinion. By a concurrence of several striking cases 
and exaggerations, the popular belief was intensified and spread 
like an epidemic, until every disastrous affair that took place was 
ascribed to cat spirit agency set in motion by some mischievous 
enemy. Accusations were lodged against suspected persons, and, 
the slightest evidence sufficing for conviction, the malicious wore 
encouraged to trump up charges against the innocent, until the 
country became a very pandemonium. No one was safe, from the 
imperial family down to the humble clodhopper. Even a magnate 
of the reigning house, who enjoyed the titular distinction of Prince 
or King of Sze-chuan, was executed for nefariously employing the 
agency of cat spirits. In this manner several thousands were 
immolated before the delusion was dispelled. Happily the period 
appears to have been of brief duration ; incentives such as kept up 
the witch mania for centuries were wanting in China. Coming 
down to our own times, we find a cat-craft delusion prevailed over a 
great portion of Chekiang. In the summer and autumn of 184:7 
frightful wraiths appeared throughout the departments of Hangchow, 
Shao-hsing, Ningpo, and Taichow. They were demons and three- 
leagued cats. On the approach of night a fetid odour was perceptible 
in the air, when dwellings were entered by something by which 
people were bewitched, causing alarm everywhere. On detecting 
the effluvium in the air, householders commenced gong-beating, 
and the sprites, frightened by the sonorous noise, quickly retreated. 
This lasted for several months, when the weird phenomena ceased,” 



Well did lie remember, said Dr, Macgowan, the commotion that 
prevailed in Hingpo throughout those months of terror. Every 
gong that could be procured or manufactured for the occasion was 
subject to vigorous thumping through the livelong night, maintained 
with vociferations by relays of zealous beaters. This deafening din 
was but a recrudescence of wbat had occurred a few generations 
before — a panic which was only exceeded by that which subsequently 
prevailed over the entire empire. 

Dr. Macgowan omitted, for want of time, numerous ancedotes on 
superstitions respecting cats, they being, like the fox, subject to 
transformation ; their use as food ; their use in the materia viedica; 
their use as chronometers ; their attachment to places rather than 
persons ; retribution for cruelty to cats ; various breeds of cats ; 
deformities of cats; etc., etc. 

The Chairman said : — The subject introduced by Dr. Macgowan in 
the paper which he has now read takes us into the history of three 
domesticated animals. They belong to the history of man because 
they have lived with man, and while under his protection they have 
ministered to his comfort. This subject becomes specially interesting 
because it belongs to the past of Asia and may be illustrated from a 
geological point of view. Asia is the highest and oldest of the 
continents. The course of opinion in regard to the Atlantic Ocean 
has decided that the bottom of that sea has never been raised. 
Asia is therefore presented to us by tradition and science as the first 
home of the human race and of the animals which take a place in 
the domestic life of man. Dr. Maegowan’s view would cut off the 
sheep, the ass and the cat from ancient China. Now China being 
just on the border of the immensely wide grassy plateau of Tartary 
might be expected to have in a domesticated state all those animals 
which like the horse and sheep naturally seem to belong to the land 
of grass as their first home. The swift running animals such as the 
horse, ass and camel would seem to run swiftly on those high, 
grassy plains, and all grass-eating animals like the sheep and cow 
also seem to belong to those same plains as their first home, because 
there is no part of the world where there is so much grass. Yet 
it is a fact that the ass and camel appear thoroughly well known to 



the Chinese only from the Han dynasty. The ass is mentioned in 
the Shanghai King [b.o. 300] and in the ErJi-ya^ which belongs to 
about B.c. 800. It may not be in the Classics, because Chinese 
writers use a style marked by brevity and cut short their narrative 
far too much. But it is as Dr. Macgowan stated. We can only 
certainly say that it was common in China in and after the time of 

A word as to the sheep. Dr. Macgowan has decided to differ 
from all translators in rendering the y^ox^yang by “goat” in the 
Classics. The French and English, the Jesuits, and more modern 
translators all agree in rendering “sheep” for In North China 
this seems quite suitable, for there sheep are found in every market, 
and sheepskins are commonly worn by the people in the long 
winter months. The translators can scarcely be wrong. 

These matters evidently need to be made a subject of study. All 
will agree, after the interesting account we have heard from 
Dr. Macgowan, that the Asiatic Society may well devote attention 
to the elucidation of doubtful points in the natural history of the 
domestic animals. 

Gen. Mesny said: — My experience of the cat in Kueichow, and 
especially at Kueiyang Fu, is that the animal had to be very 
carefully kept, as beggars were in the habit of prowling around the 
streets catching cats, which they killed, when caught, ate the flesh 
and sold the skins to furriers, who cured them and made fur 
garments of them, such garments being worn by well-to-do people. 
For that reason cats were rather scarce at Kueiyang Fu. But the 
cat was geiaerally known and domesticated throughout the whole of 
Kueichow province, Some people made it a business to rear cats 
for sale ; this was especially the case in Kuangsi and Kuangtung 
provinces ; in the latter province cats’ flesh was a regular article of 
food, but I am unaware since what date or how long it has been so. 

As to the origin of the ass, I do not know it, but it is my 
opinion that the ass has been known to the Chinese much longer 
than what Dr. Macgowan supposed, as it was very common in 
Honan, Shantung, and Chihli provinces. In Shantung a kind of 
medicinal glue called OcUclq was m^de of ass skin and sinews, ages 



Bgo^ and is still so made and used. The flesh of the ass is also an 
article of food, especially at Huaiching Fu, Honan province, where 
it was corned, and sold as food like corned beef in Europe, and 
fetched a higher price than beef. 

As to the term Yang jou^ in Kueichow it means goat’s flesh, the 
goat in that province being called Yang — sheep being distinguished 
by the name Mienyang — whilst the term Shanyang^ generally used 
to denote the goat in some parts of China, was used in Kueichow 
to denote a small kind of deer, which abounded generally speak- 
ing all over Kueichow. The Shanyang or deer is regularly hunted 
for in winter throughout that province, as its flesh affords excellent 

The Chairman : — The word yang seems to vary its meaning accord- 
ing to locality. In North China, where sheepskins are commonly 
worn, yang pH means a sheepskin. Sheep are imported from 
Mongolia in thousands to feed and clothe the people. In moun- 
tainous districts like Kueichow the goat is yang^ because the goat is 
more common there. The word yang is sheep” on the plains and 
‘^goat” in the mountains, 

Mr. A. J. Little observed that in Chungking cats are so much 
appreciated that they are kept tied up, for fear of their being stolen. 

Dr. B. Faber said he had not much to say on the subject. The 
horse was certainly known and domesticated in China at an earlier 
period than the ass. The cat was late everywhere. Both ass and 
cat were designated with Chinese compound characters, not with 
the most ancient elementary forms (see Prehistoric China^ in vol. 
xxiv.) Sheep and goat were both included in the name ^ 

Two names for cat occur in the Shi king^ and |3i. The latter is 
often confounded with fox. In the Erh-ya is used for cat. 
The classifier 153 ^ may have the same meaning. Dr. Ebkins’ 
reference to geology was not conclusive ; no fossil remnants of ass 
or cat had been found in China. If the geological formation in 
China was favourable to these animals it must be shown ivhy it was 
not so in other countries. Philology could have given better help. 
The most popular name for oat {mau) is onomatopoetic. The other 
names mentioned have not yet been scientifically examined. 



Cats afe eaten in China because their flesh is regarded as of 
medicinal value, especially in lung diseases. Its effects are said to 
bo similar to cod-liver oil. Cats’ meat is regularly sold in restaur- 
ants at Canton. Black cats are preferred. 

Natural history points to Central Asia as the original home of 
ass and sheep. The cat may be of China. 

The CHAinMAN: — The word mau (cat) certainly seems imitative, 
and would be an original Chinese word rather than an imported foreign 
name. This is in favour of Dr. Faber’s view, that the cat was always 
known to the Chinese, and against the view of Dr. Macgowan, 
unless it can be shown that man belongs to a contiguous language. 

In replying to remarks that the paper elicited, Dr. Macgowan 
alluded to the remark of the President (Dr. Edkins), that let one delve 
however deeply into sinological lore, one would And in presenting 
it at a meeting of this Society that he had failed to exhaust the 
subject, — the erudite Pretident would be sure to add something 
that had escaped attention from others, notwithstanding doubts still 
existing touching the foreign origin of sheep and cat in China. 

Dr. Macoowais[ held to the position of his thesis, to which he 
himself had not done full justice that evening. 

The Chaihmait ; — In regard to the Chinese word for ass Qu) it 
certainly seems to mean the grinding animal, ou account of its being 
used to grind corn and oil, and to have been named on that account. 

The meeting closed with a vote of thanks to the author of the 
paper, moved by Mr. Eraser and seconded by Gen. Mesny. 

Minutes of the Anotal General Meeting held in the Societfs 
Library^ Musexm Road^ Shanghai^ on Monday^ 22nd June 
1890, at 9 p.m. 

Dr. JosERH Edkins occupied the Chair. There was a good 

The Honorary Secretary (Mr. J. Mencarini) read the minutes 
of the last njeeting, which were confirmed. 

The Chairman : — Ladies and Gentlemen, — I. am happy to be able 

to announce that Mr. N. J, Hanne% of Tokio, whom we expect 



soon to arriye here as Consul-General and Judge, will become a 
member of our Society, and also Mr, J Scheveleff, of Vladivostock. 
These are the only two new members that have joined the Society 
during the last month. 1 will now call upon the Secretary to read 
the Cuuncirs report for the last year. Tliis is the annual meeting. 

The Council’s report for the year 1890-91 was then read by the 
Honorary Secretary. 

The Chairman Has anyone any business to propose? Perhaps I 
may just myself mention that the Congress of Orientalists is to meet 
on September 1st, and the Council having appointed Mr. P. J. Hughes 
as the representative of our Society, he will proceed to discharge 
this duty in the Autumn; and I may also mention that all who 
are prepared to write papers to be read before this Congress of 
Orientalists, should do so at once. The Treasurer’s report, I am 
told by the Hon. Secretary, is to be taken as read. I think it would 
be interesting to hear the report, but we are rather short of time to- 
night, — the magic-lantern will take a considerable time to exhibit, — 
and therefore if the Society does not object we will take the 
Treasurer’s report as read. The next business now is to elect a 
Council for the ensuing year. 

Mr. Donovan proposed that the Council for 1891-92 be Messrs. 
H. J. Hannen, President; P. G. von MOllenborff and J. Edkins, 
D.D., Vice Presidents ; T. Brown, Jfon. Treasurer; M. P. A. Fraser, 
Librarian; D. C. Jansen, Hon. Curator of the Museum; J. Mencarini, 
Hon. Secretary; R, E. Bredon, J, Ritter von Haas, R. A. Jamieson, 
M.A., M.D., T. W. Kinosmill, and G. M, H. Playfair, Goimcillors, 
Rev. H. 0. Hoboes seconded the motion, which, when put to the 
meeting subsequently, was passed unanimously. 

Mr, T. W. Kinqsmill proposed the adoption of the Gouiicirs 
Report; General Mesny seconded, and the motion was carried. 
Rev, Mr. Williams was then called upon to read his paper on 
^^Hung-wu and his Capital” and proceeded : — 

The reign of Hnng-wu represents the golden age of Hanking, 
This city has many times been the capital of either a part or the 
whole of the empire. During the period of the “Three Kingdoms” 
[a,b. 231-262] it was the capital of Wu, The Emperors of the 



Eastern Tsin dynasty [a.b. 317] also made Nanking tkeir home^ and 
the palace stood on Drum Tower Hill. During the reign of the 
House of TsT [479 a.u.] and again during the Liang dynasty [502- 
556 A.D.] it was the Imperial residence. But it was not until it fell 
into the hands of the “Beggar King” that it attained the vast 
proportions and great magnificence for which it afterwards became 
celebrated. The period is one well worthy of careful study, and 
deserves to be better known to the western world. But it is of 
especial interest to all who are interested in Nanking, because 
Nanking owes whatever of architectural beauty she has had in the 
past, and no small share of her prosperity and influence, to the 
taste, the wisdom and the energy of Hung-wu. China, the oldest 
Empire in the world, is poorest of all in ancient monuments. Her 
architecture is not of an enduring kind. Nanking, however, is 
exceptionally fortunate in possessing so many remains, ruins though 
they be, of this, the most glorious period in her history. 

The literary sources of information regarding this period are 
plentiful enough. It is true in China, as it was in Israel in the days 
of Solomon, that “ of making many books there is no end.” I 
regret very much that circumstances have compelled me to prepare 
this paper before completing an examination of the accessible 
histories. The sketch, such as it is, is based upon information 
gathered from a condensed history of the Ming dynasty found in 
the Eh-shih-^sz SM Thing-suh (Yeu-i), from a romantic history of 
the same period, known as the Ying-lieh, written after the down- 
fall of the Mings by a Fukien man named Tsii Wei, from the official 
history of the Kiangsu province, and from that of the two Nanking 
hien districts. 

That a beggar should rise from poverty and obscurity to the 
throne of the Celestial Empire, and receive the allegiance and the 
worship of so haughty a people as the Chinese, is a fact as remark- 
able as it is unique in human history. In order to understand how 
such an occurrence could take place, we must glance for a moment 
at the condition of China during the closing years of the Yuen 
dynasty. China did not escape, any more than her neighbours, 
from the invasions of the nomadic races of Tartary which laid waste 


the fairest portions of Asia and eastern Europe. During the Han, 
Tsin and T'ang dynasties the Cliinese were called upon at various 
times to resist the aggression of these restless tribes. And again, 
at the close of the t^Yelfth century and the beginning of the 
thirteenth, under the leadership of Genghis Khan, they ravaged Asia 
from east to west, pillaging some of the richest and most populous 
portions of China, India and Persia, and in 1215 the city of Peking 
was taken, and the five northern provinces submitted to the invader. 
But it was left for the grandson, Kuhlai, to complete the conquest 
of the empire, and he established the Yuen dynasty in 12 GO a,d. 
and reigned for thirty-five years with great wisdom and glory, 
encouraging literature, undertaking some noble public works, among 
them the Grand Canal, and extending his conquests among the 
native tribes south-west and west. Yet the empire established thus 
auspiciously lasted but a century. Genghis began bis career with 
the declaration that there is but one God and one Grand Khan, 
though allowing the largest toleration to all forms of religion. His 
successors, however, were not so wise. They became slavish adher- 
ents of Buddhism, and the place was filled with a crowd of lazy 
monks who flattered the vanity of the monarchs and ministered to 
their caprices. Gradually the government became disorganized. 
Crafty priests and treacherous eunuchs usurped every place of power 
and profit. Corrupt officials, with no care for anything but their 
own enrichment, oppressed, the people and drove them to beggary 
or crime. Multitudes perished from famine. Sedition, robbery, 
murder and every disorder afilioted the state. Yet the pampered 
monarch, living in luxury and idleness, cared for none of these 
things, but gave himself up to every form of vicious indulgence. 
Such was the condition of affairs during the reign of Slmn-ti, the 
last emperor of this dynasty, who ascended the throne in 1383 a.b. 
It was a period of disturbance in Europe as well as Asia, of wars 
and rumours'of wars throughout the world. Edward III of England, 
young and ambitious, was engaged in laying burdensome and unjust 
taxes upon his subjects and wasting tlio money, thus obtained, in 
fruitless efforts to place Baliol on the throne of Scotland and to 
wrest from Philip VI of France the crown of that kingdom for him- 


self. Clement V had removed the. papal throne to Avignon and 

left the fickle populace of degenerate Rome to occupy themselves 

with the quarrels of the Orsini and Colonna, while Rienzi, already 

rising to influence, was preparing to attempt the deliverance of his 

unhappy country. The warring strength of the Greek Empire was 

exhausted in civil wars between Andronicus the Younger and his 

grandfather, while the Turks seized every opportunity to reduce the 

borders of this impoverished state. In such troublous times, a little 

more than a century after Genghis Illian had started upon his 

career of conquest, his descendants both in the East and West were 

surrendering their power and territory into more worthy hands. 

The last scion of the house on the throne of Persia sought in vain 

to stem the tide of Turkish aggression while his abandoned relative 

reigning at Peking was preparing by a life of shame for that 

cowardly flight before his exasperated subjects which ended the reign 

of the Tartar dynasty in China. Shun-ti was but a puppet in the 

hands of his ministers 5 a weak prince, without resolution or fixed 

principles, responding to the suggestions now of this one and then 

of that, according as circumstances placed him under the influence 

of the one or the other. Had he been surrounded by wise and 

patriotic ministers, he might easily have avoided the doom which 

threatened his house, and the Bright ’’ dynasty might never have 

been born. As it was, with apparently but one exception, all his 

councillors sought simply to advance their own interests without 

any regard to the welfare of the state, and were careful to secure 

their places by catering with all assiduity to the vices of their lord. 

One of these ministers, with the significant name of Sa-tun advised 

the young man to get as much pleasure as he could out of life, 

repeating a proverb of the day which ran : — 

Spring (time) flowers, autumn moon-light I 
Miss not thou their joys, O man I 
Rosy cheeks and raven tresses, 

Faded once, come not again. 

The verses remind one of Herrick’s lines : — 

** Gather the rose-buds while you may, 

Old time is still aflying j 
And this same flower that smiles to-day 
To-morrow will be dying.” 



Such advice the monarch was only too ready to follow. There 
was but one man who dared to tell the foolish young Emperor the 
truth and warn him plainly of the sure results of such reckless 
living. This minister’s name was T^o-t^o. Shun~ti listened to him 
with all reverence and seemed fully determined to mend his ways, but, 
chameleon-like, feelings and conduct changed with his surroundings. 
He desired to please everybody, and T‘o-tfo, standing alone for 
virtue and good government, was out of mind as soon as out of sight. 
Many of the charges against the Emperor were no doubt false. 
Rumour exaggerated all his follies, and, once it was certain he was 
a mere pleasure-seeker, every charge, however extravagant, found 
ready credence. IN'ative writers enter into minute details respecting 
his manner of life, drawing largely, no doubt, upon their own 
prurient imaginations. But “ where there is much smoke there 
must be some flame,” and we are justified in believing that vast sums 
of money were squandered on his pleasures. The Empress one day 
gave a banquet and, while Shun-ti and the guests feasted and drank, 
the hall was filled with the soft music of harp, flute and viol and a 
chorus of girls sang and danced before them. 

That night after the Emperor had fallen asleep he was visited, we 
are told, by a portentous dream. The palace seemed filled with 
swarming ants and bees, and, though the ministers tried, they failed 
to sweep them out. Suddenly a man from the south, clothed in red 
raiment, bearing the sun on his left shoulder and the moon on his 
right, with a broom in his hand, entered and cleared the palace in a 
moment of the infesting insects. *'Who are you?” asked the 
astonished Emperor. This strange visitor made no reply but 
drew a sword and, driving the frightened monarch from the palace, 
shut the door in his face. He called aloud for help and was 
awakened by his own cries. Trembling in every limb and bathed in 
cold perspiration, he summoned an attendant and inquired the hour. 
“ Three points after third watch,” said the attendant. The Empress 
being aroused asked what was the matter, and hearing the dream 
related, said : do not know whether it bodes good or ill; 

to-morrow we will call an interpreter.” Scarcely had she spoken 
yihm a frightful noise was heard like the sound of thunder in the 



early spring or that of a falling mountain in an earthquake.** An 
officer was at once sent to inquire the cause, and jeturned saying 
that a corner of one of the palace halls had fallen, exposing a great 
hole in the earth. After court hours next morning the Emperor 
summoned an old councillor, named Chi-ch^ung, and told him the 
dream. He interpreted it as an evil omen, saying that the red 
dress indicated the stranger’s name to be either Ohu or Ch^i, and 
the fact that he carried the sun and moon on his shoulders meant 
that he should attain to imperial power. He therefore urged the 
Emperor to reform his habits and to correct the evils of the 
government. The Emperor very naturally did not enjoy the 
interpretation, but he proceeded to describe the catastrophe which 
had happened at the Hall of Pure Virtue.” The old man led the 
way to examine. They found an opening (in the ground) ten feet 
long and five feet wide, from which a black vapour arose, obscuring 
the sky. T^o-t^o recommended that a prisoner already condemned to 
death should be sent for and lowered into the pit to seek the cause 
of this phenomenon. Such a prisoner was found and, on being 
promised full pardon, consented to descend into the opening. 
After some time he was drawn up and brought with him 
a tablet bearing twenty -four characters forming an ominous 
sentence to this effect : — 

“ Calm Heaven above is free from oare, 

The wide-wide world is tilled with war ; 

Behold in South and Bast afar 

I see the flashing sword and spear. 

Yuen, alas, must pass away, 

The sun and moon with wedded ray 

Shall usher in the brighter day 

When Peace the East and South shall sway,” 

But with characteristic Chinese reasoning the Emperor, as though 

the word Yuen ” were to blame for all the ill luck, said : Well, 

if the style ‘ Yuen’ must be changed there is no help for it; we 

will establish a new style ; ‘ all under heaven ’ will then be 

protected, and what further trouble can there be ! ” 

His minister mildly suggested that the character of the monarch 

needed to be changed rather than the Imperial style, but agreed 

that the style could he changed if he so desired. 



This is a very good illustration of ordinary Chinamen's conception 
of sin and repentance. It is difficult for a Chinaman to get beyond 
externals. Sin is the neglect of some form or other. This neglect 
brings ill luck, and the way to avoid the ill luck is to observe certain 
other forms. While the conversation proceeded the opening in the 
earth suddenly closed of itself, filling the beholders with awe. The 
convict was pardoned and released ; the tablet was hidden and the 
company dispersed. The next day the Emperor ordered the style of 
his reign to be changed to Chi-chung, as though by changing the 
name he could avoid the doom pronounced upon his house. 

The significance of the dream and the omen are of course very 
easily understood. The ants and bees that swarmed in the palace 
represented the rebels and robbers that everywhere infested tlie 
empire. The feeble efforts on the part of the officials to suppress 
these disorders were all in vain. But there would come a red-robed 
man, that is, a man named Ohu (which was Hung-wu’s family name), 
who would sweep them all out, it was promised, and drive the 
monarch from his throne. The bearing of the sun on the left shoulder 
and the moon on the right was meant to be a lu'ophecy of the Ming 
dynasty, the characters for sun and moon written side by side in 
this position forming the character “ Ming,” or bright. It is true 
that 81 mn-ti did change the style of his reign in the fifth year to 
Chi-chung. The fiction of the dream is a very clever prophecy of 
the rise of the Mings, invented of course after the event. The figure 
of swarming ants and bees not inaptly represented the contlition of 
the country, which was filled with bands of robbers and rebels, while 
the officials who plundered the peojde in the name of the state were 
worse than the bandits. The people in many places were compelled 
to organise themselves in self-defence. 

As a matter of course we have a multitude of marvellous stories 
of unusual phenomena, strange omens sent by Heaven to prepare 
men for impending calamities and a change of dynasty ; for such a 
change must be heralded by at least a report of supernatural occur- 
rences, else the common people will be unwilling to transfer their 
allegiance from the old to the new. Hence we are told that about 
this time at Peking chickens were changed to dogs and sheep into 



cattle; at Nanking brass and iron of themselves emitted sound ; at 
Kaifung Fa variegated flowers appeared upon tbe surface of the 
river, as if painted there, and remained three days, when they dis- 
appeared ; at Hangcliau globes of fire appeared upon tbe river ; in 
Shantung it rained white hair; in the west were earthquakes, lasting 
a hundred days, and at Canton the walls of a yamen fell down reveal- 
ing five hundred crossbows, each nine or ten feet in length, which 
no one was able to bend. In the heavens, too, were frightful 
portents ; long- tailed comets, and falling stars, which when they 
struck the earth were changed to stone images of dogs’ heads. 
Letters came to the capital like snowflakes in number, but wicked 
ministers destroyed them, and the pleasure-loving monarch lived on 
in utter ignorance of the volcano slumbering beneath his throne. 

One of the most successful of these rebellious uprisings had its 
origin in the village of White Deer, situated on the Hwai river in 
Ying Chen, North-western Anhwei. It is said to have been a beau- 
tiful spot, diversified by picturesque hills and quiet dales, green 
fields and shady groves ; the clear shallow river murmured over its 
pebbles, and tbe white deer herded in the coverts. It happened one 
day that an insolent official passed that way and was charmed with 
the beauty of the place, exclaiming: ‘‘This is certainly a retreat fit 
for gods, men and genii.” He at once, sent his followers to demand 
a certain piece of ground, where he might build for himself a country 
residence and pleasure-garden. But this place belonged to a young, 
giant named Liu Fu-t‘urig, who stood in no fear of officialdom and 
who, as soon as he heard of the outrageous demand, seized a spear 
and rushed upon the underlings, who were glad to escape with their 
lives and were barely able to rescue their lord lumself from the 
hands of the infuriated peasant. The said official strutted and 
famed over his loss of dignity and vowed vengeance upon the whole 
village. Am I not Kia-lu ? ” he said. “ Where is the place to 
which my fame has not penetrated ? And am I to put up with this 
treatment from such a fellow? I will wipe this place out of 
existence. ” On las return to Peking he represented to the Em- 
peror that the Yellow River was silted up and needed opening, and 
requested permission to undertake the work. 1 judge from this 



account that formerly, perhaps a great many years previous to these 
occurrences, the Yellow Eiver must have flowed to the sea through 
the channel of the Hwai, but that it had afterwads broken through 
its banks and taken a new course, probably that which it kept up 
to some thirty-five years ago, and that Kia-hi proposed to restore 
it to its old channel, that is, the bed of the Plwai. Y'ou will notice 
on the map that the head-waters to the Hwai reach nearly to Kai- 
fang Fu where two years ago the Yellow Eiver broke through its 
banks to flow south-east. At any rate there was a proverb current 
at the time which said ; — 

*‘A stone man with one eye — 

Open the Yellow Eiver and the Empire will rise in rebellion. ” 

When Kia-lu asked permission to open the river, he knew of this 
saying, but forestalled any quotation of it against himself by per- 
verting it in his favour saying : The people say: “A stone man 
with one eye, if you don’t open the Yellow River, the empire will 
rise in rebellion.’* 

“ But,” said the Emperor, ‘^yesterday, when I proposed to my 
ministers to open the cliannel of the river they all said it could not 
be done because the people say: ‘A stone man with one eye; 
open the Yellow Eiver and the empire will rise in rebellion.’” 
Kia-lu, however, was a man of ready tongue and replied : “Don’t 
listen to such speeches ; if river and canal are not navigable there 
can be no rice transported to Peking, and if the people have no rice, 
will they not rise in rebellion ? ” This seemed reasonable. Orders 
were given to commence the work at once and to behead the first 
man that opposed. Kia-lu thus equipped went to White Deer and 
ordered the channel to be cut right through the property of 
Liu Fu-t^ung, and turned this fiery young giant with his family out 
into the street. 

In the same village was a man named Han Shan-tung, falsely 
said to be a Buddha, who with Liu Fu-tHing organised a secret 
society whose members wore red caps and white girdles. These 
two men greatly imposed upon the people by the practice of 
pretended magic, and when Liu Fu-t^ung was driven from his home 
they raised the standard of rebellion and gathered quite a multitude 


of followers* In order to increase their number they bade the 
sceptical dig in the river and find proof of the righteousness of 
their action. 

They set to work and, before digging a foot, unearthed a stone 
image of a man with one eye, bearing the inscription : Open the 
Yellow River and the empire will rise in rebellion.” This was 
argument enough for those who needed any, and the rebellion soon 
assumed formidable proportions. Raw recruits, however, are no 
match for professional soldiers, and in the first fight with the im- 
perial troops the rebels were defeated and Han Shan-tung was 
killed. Liu Fu-t^ung then took his friend’s son and proclaimed 
him king. Two other prominent rebels were Chi Maw-U in north- 
western Kiangsu at Tsii Chen and Chang Sz-ch‘ung at T‘ai Chen 
near Yangchau, The latter was afterwards bought off by the Em- 
peror and returned to his allegiance. The careless monarch at last 
began to realise the condition of affairs, and despatched troops to 
suppress the disorders, but his officers came back wounded and 
beaten. . Assembling his councillors he then asked them what they 
had to propose. The ancients,” he said, “had a saying ‘The 
poor man seeks a thrifty housewife, and the disordered kingdom 
needs an honest and a capable minister.’ ” T‘o-t‘o offered his 
services and was accepted. In a short time he had defeated both 
Chi Maw-Ii and Liu Fu-t‘ung, but his enemies (at Court) jealous of 
his influence, destroyed his despatches, represented him as wasting 
time and money in idleness, and succeeded in having him banished, upon 
which, according to one report, he committed suicide, and according 
to another was poisoned by the orders of one of his rivals. Chi 
Maw-li and Liu Fa-t‘ung at once recovered their lost territory and 
prestige on the death of T‘o-t‘o, and these two rebel forces coming 
into conflict with one another, Chi Maw-li was defeated and his 
followers or most of them deserted to the camp of the more 
successful leader Liu Fu-t‘ung, who now ruled through Han-ling, a 
large portion of Kiangsu, Shantung, Anhwei and Honan. Among 
his officers at this time was a man named Kwoh Kwan-ching, a 
maternal uncle of Chn Hung-wu, the founder of the Ming dynasty. 
We must turn back now for a few moments to the year 1328 

four years before the lasf; Yuen emperor ascended tlie throne. This 
is the date of Hung-wu’s birth. His parents were wretchedly poor 
and were stopping at the time of his birth in a little village jnst 
outside the gates of Fung Yang Hsien, a city then known as Hao 
Cheu. The present city of Fung Yang Fu was not then in 
existence, having been built by Hung-wu. The Hsien city, which 
is situated half-a-mile or more to the west of the Fu city, has still 
a very good wall and an old pagoda, but the interior is in a very 
dilapidated condition, the houses being chiefly mud huts, thatched 
with straw. All the trade of the place has departed to the more 
prosperous Fu city, which is a well-built place of about a hundred 
thousand inhabitants. The house in which Hung-wu was born has 
long since perished, but a temple is erected on its site which is just 
outside the East Gate of Fuiig-yang Fu, and at the time of his 
birth was occupied by a little hamlet known as Cbnng-li Tung, said 
to have anciently been the home of a wizard, Chung Li. Great 
marvel accompanied the birth of the future Emperor, we are told. 
One remarkable tale tells us that at the close of the year preceding 
his entrance into this world, when all the kitchen-gods were 
assembled in tlie balls of the Yii Hwang, this. Emperor of all the 
gods addressed them and said : — “ All under heaven is now in con- 
fusion ; we must send down another son of heaven for Emperor.” 
The reports of the kitchen-gods were then heard, and it was 
discovered that the family of Hung-wu’s father, Chu 8he-chun, was 
the most virtuous of all, and had been storing up merit through 
many generations. It was therefore decided that the future Em- 
peror should be born in this family, but when volunteers were 
called for from among tlie stars, no one was willing to go. Tlie 
Yii Hwang thereupon grew angry and read them a lecture that 
caused the two fan-bearers behind bis throne (the Golden Youth” 
and the ^^Gem Maiden”) to titter aloud and let their fans 
accidentally fall together. The Golden Youth” stood on the left, 
and his fan bore the character for sun, while the Maiden stood on 
the right with a fan that had the character for moon, so that when 
they fell together they made the character Ming. The attention of 
the Yu Hwang being thus directed tq them, he said : ‘‘I will send 


yoti two, one to be Emperor and the other Empresis/' Thus we 
have the assurance of a Chinese historian that the marriage of 
Hung-wu was one of those matches of which we have heard that 
they are made in Heaven. 

The family of Hung-wu .came from Kii-yung, a village some 
ninety U south-east of Nanking. His father, however, was born in 
Nanking and removed on account of the troubled condition of the 
times to Ohii-yang, north of the river, the present Chin-cheu. Here 
one night his house and all his possessions were consumed by fire, 
and he wandered with his wife toward Fung-yang, then known as 
Hao-cheu, intending to seek a home with his son-in-law who lived 
some distance beyond. One evening as it was growing dark he 
arrived at the gate of the Huan-hsioli-sz, a monastery just outside 
the gates of Fung-yang Hieu, at a hamlet known as Ohung-li Si, 
but a short distance west of Ohung-li Tung, mentioned above. Being 
very weary he and his wife lay down at the gate of the monastery 
to rest, and were discovered there by the abbot, who inquired their 
name and circumstances, and very kindly found a lodging for them 
at Chung-li Tung. The monk farther, a few days later, secured 
employment in the neighbourhood for the unfortunate man, so that 
he decided to make his home there, and sent for his three sons whom 
he had left at Chin-cheu. In this little village, in the ninth moon 
of the year 1328 a.d. the Golden Youth” appeared in the family 
of Chu She-chun, and was given the name of Chu Yuen-lung. 
He cried for three days after his birth, we are told, to the great 
annoyance of the neighbours, and was quieted only by some strange 
words spoken by a Taoist monk who appeared from no one knows 
where. When be was eleven years of age, his parents being very 
poor, he was hired by a man named Sin Ta-sin for a herdsman, and 
sent into the fields to watch his cattle, but he played such pranks 
that he was soon dismissed. When he was seventeen his father, 
mother and eldest brother all died, and the family being unable to 
provide coffins, the future emperor with his two remaining brothers 
made a wrapping of straw and buried them. Their graves may still 
be seen some six miles south-west of Fung-yang Fu. After this 
sad misfortune the brothers scattered and Chu Yuen*-lung, np^ 



having any trade, was nrged by his father’s friends to enter the 
monastery of Hwan-kioh, which he did, as a servant. It is said 
that he afterwards became a monk, but this is uncertain, and, as he 
remained but a short time, is altogether unlikely. This monastery 
still exists under the name of Sung-shing Sz, just outside the north 
gate of Fung-yang Fu. The ruins of the old monastery lie scattered 
all around, showing that it was once a large inclosure. The present 
buildings are less pretentious but in good repair and contain some 
relics of the more prosperous days of the monastery. Among them 
are four large caldrons of bronze, six feet in diameter and six feet 
deep, the metal being three or four inches thick. There is also a 
fifth of the same size made of iron. These kettles are now unused, 
but formerly served for cooking food for the monks. A bell-tower 
in one corner of the garden contains a large bell cast in the fourth 
year of Oh^ung-hwa [1469 a.d.]. In the reception-room is a portrait 
of Hnng-wu in his later years. He remained in the monastery 
but a short time. The old abbot wdio was his friend having died, 
and the other monks not having any liking for the young scapegrace, 
he left Fung-yang and went to Ch'u-yang, or Ch‘ii Chen as we 
call it now, to the home of a maternal uncle Kwoh Kwan-ch‘ing, 
and became tutor to his uncle’s children, though what he was able 
to teach them does not appear. Certainly he ^Yas more of a servant 
tlian a tutor. He ate considerable bitterness while with his uncle, 
but was very kindly treated by a young slave-girl in the household 
named Ma, for whom he formed a very strong attachment. It was 
at this time that he went to Nanking with a wheel-barrow load of 
plums. A pestilence was raging in this city and the plums were in 
demand as a remedy. His uncle having accompanied him as far as 
Ho Chen, got into a quarrel there and killed a man, and was com- 
pelled to €ee for his life. Yuen-lung (or Hung-wii, as we call 
him), continued his journey alone and sold the plums for a good 
sum of money. He did not at once return to Chhi Chon, and, when 
he did, he was surprised to find his uncle living in great elegance 
and unusual luxury. He inquired the cause and learned tliat, on 
fleeing from Ho Chen, his uncle had gone to Fung-yang and 
falling in with Liu Fu-thmg, .had taken service under him and 



shown such military skill that he was entrusted with an army for 
the capture of Olui Ohen which was very easily effected. Bat,” 
said the nephew, why wear the red cap of Lin Fa-t‘ung ? Why 
not yourself be a king? ” This idea greatly pleased Kwoh Kwan- 
chhng, who thenceforth proclaimed himself the Oh^u-yang Wang 
or King of Ch^u-yang. To Liu Fu-t^ung, who protested, he sent 
word, saying: The whole country is in confusion and each district 
has its king; my right is as good as yours. You rule your territory 
and I’ll rule mine, and in case of attack we will help one another,” 
The newly-made king then appointed his nephew commander-in- 
cliief of the army, who at once proceeded to strengthen it by 
gathering from far and near the most notable and skillful soldiers 
to serve as its officers. One of these was Li Shang-chang who 
afterwards became Chief Minister of the Left, and another was a 
distinguished gentleman of Yangchau named Tsffi Tab who became 
in after years Chief Minister of the Eight. The latter proved one of 
the most successful generals of the period. There is a fine portrait 
of him at Moh-tsen Hu outside the Shui Si Mung at Nanking. 
He is represented as a large, handsome man, with a rather intel- 
lectual countenance and a very gentle expression. His grave may 
may be seen outside the T‘ai-ping Gate, a mile or more on the 
Chinkiang highway. It is a large mound. An immense tablet, on 
the back of a tortoise, records his virtues, and the avenue is guarded 
by several pairs of stone images of horses and other animals. 

The inscription on the tablet was written by the Emperor 
Hnng-wu himself, in praise of his faithful and most excellent 
minister. As soon as the army was in good shape an attack was 
made on Sz Chuen, which by the treachery of the commander was 
surrendered without a battle, the traitor being rewarded with a post 
in the army of the Chffi-yang king. Being now in a condition to 
marry, Yuen-lung, with the consent of his uncle, took the slave-girl, 
for whom he had lost none of his affection, and made her Ms wife ; 
and a most wise and excellent woman she proved to be, in every 
way worthy the lofty estate for which fortune had destined her. 
Shortly after this Kwoh Kwan-chfing, the Chffi-yang king, died, 
a3:|.d his nephew w^ts proclaimed king in his stead. He possessed 



himself of Ting-yuen and Fung-yang, and having strengthened 
himself in that region he became anxious to attack Nanking, but 
had no way of transporting his army across the Yangtze Eiver. 
Luckily at this time a number of boatmen had organised a fleet 
for self-protection against numerous bands of pirates that infested 
the creeks and lakes in the district about Wuhu. These boatmen 
placed their fleet at the service of the new king who, delighted with 
the gift, ordered it to assemble on Lake Ch^ao and, there embarking 
his army, crossed the river, reduced several minor places and 
captured T^ai-ping Pa, Thence he marched to Nanking. The officer 
in charge, Chffing Yen-san, surrendered and gave in his allegiance 
to the conq[ueror, but afterwards rebelled and was beheaded. His 
son was captured a little later, but took the oath of allegiance to 
the successful young general, who now changed his title of Oli^u- 
yang King for the more modest one of Duke of Wu. After entering 
Nanking he gathered the elders of the city together and said : 
“ I have come because the nation is in confusion ; the old rulers are 
worthless and must go.” The people, it is said, greatly rejoiced 
in the protection promised. But a large part of the population 
either then or later must have been very disloyal or untrustworthy, 
for he removed several thousand families to Yunnan and brought 
twenty thousand other families from Cliokiang and Fung-yang to 
Nanking to take their places. This will explain a rather remarkable 
occurrence, related to me by Mr. Lkaman, that some years ago a 
missionary from Barm ah came to Nanking, who had studied Chinese 
in Burmah witli a teacher from Yunnan. He preached while in 
Nanking and spoke Chinese wdth as pure a Nankingese accent as 
those who had learned the language in that city at the time of its 
capture by Hung-wu, Nanking was known, however, by the name 
of Kien-kang. The Duke of Wu was then thirty-four years of age; 
it was the year 1362 a.d. 

Bending an army to Chinldang, he secured the allegiance of that 
place and captured several other cities in that region. Another 
army was sent to Ning-kwoh Pu, the Yuen general (Chu Ziang- 
taii) in command of which place surrendered and entered the service 
of the Dul?e of Wu, Afterwards ho rebelled, but ^ second time 



surrendered, and the Duke forgave him his treachery and a second 
time employed him. He ever acted on this principle, treating his 
captives with the greatest consideration, and by his kindness sought 
to win the affection even of those who were opposed to him. Thus 
he gathered to his side some of the ablest men among his adversaries, 
in this way not only diminishing the strength of the Yuen force 
but adding to his own at the same time. 

Numbers of places north and south of the river soon fell into his 
hands, and, in order to relieve the people of the past burdens laid 
npon them by the support of a large army, he directed that the 
soldiers when not engaged in active service should be employed in 
agriculture and thus raise their own subsistence. Having establish- 
ed his authority at Nanking, he made Ts‘u Tab commander of the 
forces in the north, and sent him to subdue the Yuen armies still 
lingering there as well as various rebel forces in that region. Tshi 
Tab defeated the Yuen generals in Nganhwui, Shantung and 
Honan and drove their demoralized armies beyond the Yellow River. 
While he was at Teh Cheu the inhabitants of Peking heard of his 
approach and began to tremble for their safety. The capital was 
held but by a small force and no preparations had been made for 
defence. The Emperor Shun-ti, filled with fear, proposed to iiy 
to the north, but his ministers urged him to stay in Peking This 
he was too great a coward to do, and after giving certain directions 
for defence, as though he would remain, fled secretly in the night 
through the Kien-teli Whong, going by way of Kli-kan Kwan to 
Sha-mo. Thus ignominiously ended an inglorious reign of thirty- 
six years. The Chinese reckon to the Yuen dynasty thirteen 
emperors and a period of one hundred and sixty-two years. But 
from the final overthrow of the Sung dynasty and the settlement 
of the kingdom by Kublai Khan to the flight of Shun-ti there was 
but nine emperors and a period of only eighty-nine years. 

The victorious army of Ts‘u Tab entered the late capital, behead- 
ed the generals in command and seized all the treasure. The 
fugitive Emperor did not remain long at S ha-mo, but left the 
imperial household there and continued his flight towards the sea- 
coast. Two years later Sha-nao was captured by the Ming army 


and the seals, a great deal of treasure, and the women and oliildren 
of the imperial family fell into their hands. A grandson of the 
late emperor was taken under the protection of Hung-wu and was 
afterwards appointed to office. Previous, however, to the fall of 
Peking a rebellion broke out in Nganhwui, under the leadership 
of Ch.‘ung Yiii-liang, who captured T^ai-pdng, proclaimed himself 
emperor, and pushed on towards Nanking. The people of this 
city were filled with terror by the approach of his army, hut the 
ever- victorious Duke of Wu was energetic in his preparations and 
completely routed the invaders, whose leader fled to Wu-ch^ang. 
Upon this the Yuen general, commanding the garrison at Nan- 
ch^ang Fu, the capital of Kiangsi, offered to surrender to our Puke, 
provided he should be allowed to retain command where he was. 
This was finally agreed upon and ere the matter was well settled 
Chffing Yiu-liang, who had recruited his forces at Wu-ch‘aug 
and gathered a large fleet besides, moved down upon Nan-cli‘ung 
and laid seige to that city. The Duke, receiving word to this 
effect, detached as many soldiers as he could spare, and seizing 
all the boats that could be found, hastened to relieve the garrison, 
which was very small. But Ch*ung Yiu-liang was on the look- 
out to prevent the junction of these armies, and by swift marches 
intercepted the progress of the Duke and attacked his forces 
upon the Po-yang Lake. But the army of the Duke was inferior 
to that of his antagonist, who was withal a man of no ordinary 
ability. The battle raged for several days with no decisive result, 
when, a favourable wind springing up, the Duke set fire to several 
of his own boats and burned a large part of Yiu-liang’s fleet. 
Many officers, too, were burned to death. Next day the battle was 
renewed and continued three days. Yiu-liang, hard-pressed, sought 
to escape but was shot through the eye and killed. His body, 
however, was carried off by his son and several officers and taken to 
Wii-ch^ang, where the son was proclaimed Emperor. About this 
time (1364 a.d.) the Duke proclaimed himself king with the title 
Wu Wang. As soon as possible he followed Yiu4iang^s son to 
Wu-ch*ang and laid siege to the place, compelling it in a short time 
to (50»pitnlate. He very generously pardoned the son of his late 


rival and liberated all his relatives who had been imprisoned. The 
young man was persuaded later to accept office under his conqueror. 

The only formidable rival now remaining was Chang Sz-ch^ung, 
whose capital was at’ Sii-chau. This man was originally a salt- 
trader at T^ai Chen, a shrewd merchant, a rather unsociable man, 
a man of few words and one who rarely or never laughed, careless 
of money and fond of charity, but a man cordially disliked by his 
neighbours. He was moreover a man of great strength. One day, 
becoming engaged in a quarrel, he killed a bow-man, and as the 
whole country was infested with gangs of cut-throats and robbers, 
he and his confederates determined, in order to escape punishment 
for the murder, to organise a band themselves, which they did, and 
with which they captured T‘ai Chen, Encouraged by his success, 
8z-chffing proceeded to bolder measures and soon made himself 
master of a large territory, proclaiming himself the Cheung Wang. 
After he had captured Yangchau and 8z-chen the Emperor sent 
T‘o-t‘o to bring him to terms, but T^o-t^o, after defeating him, had 
been recalled, as usual, and Sz-chhing soon regained his lost 
territory, after which he was brought over by the Emperor and made 
king over a large part of Kiangsu and Chekiang with his capital at 
Su-chau. Here he reigned as a tributary prince for four years, 
gradually growing careless and turning over the administration to 
other bands. While things were in this condition and his army 
divided, part being at Hu-chen and a part at Hangchow, the king 
of Wu, having kept his preparations a secret, attacked and defeated 
these two foi’ces in quick succession, and marching on Su~chan, 
captured it. Chang Sz-chHing committed suicide, on hearing which 
the King of Wu professed great regret, as he had hoped after 
defeating him to attach a man of such great abilities to his own 

The Emperor having been already driven from his throne, as 
related above, and the greater part of the empire being now under 
the rule of the King of Wu, in 1868 he proclaimed himself Em- 
peror with the style Hung-wn, and called his dynasty the Ming. 
He was then forty years of age. He immediately raised four 
generations of ancestors to imperial honours, which, seeing they wer^ 


all dead, it is to be hoped they duly appreciated. B^ukien, Kwatt- 
tung, and Kwangsi were reduced in rapid succession by various 
skillful commanders. Ts‘u Tab extended bis conquests to Shansi, 
Shensi and Kansu, and ^^all under heaven,” to use a Chinese expres- 
sion, was now submissive to his will, save Sz-chwan and Yunnan. 

Montani semper iiberi ” is an old Latin saying ( Mountaineers 
are harder to quell than people of the plains), and it was not until 
the fifth year of his reign that Sz-chwan was subdued, while Yun- 
nan held out until the fourteenth. But without waiting for these 
conquests Hung-wu proceeded at once to set the government in 
order and give security and prosperity to the people. The whole 
empire was divided into nine states, each of which was placed under 
the rule of one of his sons, who were called kings. 

He organized the Six Boards, published the calendar, determined 
the ritual for the worship of Heaven and Earth and that also for 
the worship of ancestors. He fixed the strength of the garrisons 
and corrected the manual for the drilling of the troops. He sought 
out all those who had fled into hiding during the troublous times 
which preceded his subjugation of the empire and encouraged them 
to return to their homes. He paid particular honour to men of letters, 
and was an earnest and liberal patron of education. He invited the 
most distinguished scholars to take office under him and ordered the 
hiens to open one free school in each Jiien district, while at the capital 
he established a higher school or university for the investigation 
of important branches of learning and the production and preserva- 
tion of books. The Eanlin students were set to work writing, but 
were cautioned against wasting time on mere refinement of language, 
mere rhetorical display. He forbade the use of the four-character 
and six-character vessels and sought to encourage prose rather than 
poetical composition, as was natural in one of his practical character. 
He gave titles to the descendants of Confucius and made one of 
them a Ghihien. He sent out officers to hold court and adjudicate 
important cases. He settled the rules to be observed in the exam- 
inations, and fixed upon a costume for the people, particularly the 
graduates. If the drawings in Chinese books correctly represent 
this costume we must praise the taste of the peasant emperor, for it 

Was fat more becoming than that now worn. It would appear to 
have been something like the present Japanese costume and was 
modelled on that of the Tang dynasty with slight changes. It is 
said that he sought for able men as a thirsty man seeks water. 
Certain it is that he succeeded in gathering about him a large 
number of remarkably brilliant men. He encouraged agriculture 
and the silk manufacture, and among the strange things recorded 
of him as good works, he forbade pearl-fishing and gold-mining. 
He released the provinces in turn from taxation, and in unusually 
disastrous years be remitted all the taxes of the empire. He forbade 
the eunuchs to interfere in affairs of state, a custom that had led 
to such scandals in the preceding dynasty. He even forbade their 
learning to read and prohibited their entrance into the array. An- 
other remarkable rule was to prohibit Buddhist and Taoist monks 
travelling at will about the country. He would not suffer them to 
cross the borders of their own provinces without a passport. He 
allowed but one monastery, too, to each hien^ and required that it 
should be inspected once a month. And until the age of forty 
years was reached he would not allow any man or woman to enter 
either of these orders. Many of these provisions were excellent, 
but how many of them were really carried into execution and how 
many were but dead-letters we cannot tell. Chinamen have always 
been better at legislation than at the execution of the laws — as is 
true indeed of all other nations. 

When Hung-wu first came to Nanking he occupied the Fu 
yamen of the Sung dynasty near the South Gate. All that remains 
of it now is the former gateway of the place, at present called the 
Kiu Wang Fu, and found opening a narrow dirty street near the 
Examination Hall. It is a favorite resort of opium-smoking beg- 
gars. The city of Kien-k*ang, or Nanking, at that time formed 
very nearly a perfect square. The North Gate stood at th present 
Peh-mung Kfiao, the name itself being a relic and witness of those 
early days. The creek over which this North Gate Bridge is built 
formed a part of the city moat, wliich may be traced up the valley 
with two or three windings to Han-si Mung. This was the line 
, of the old city wall. From Han-si Mung it followed |^e. line,, of 

16 ^ 


the present wall by Sbui-si Mnng to the South Grate and thence 
to the angle east of the South Gate. From this corner it ran in 
a straight line north, instead of bending east again as it does now 
at the T‘ung-tsi Mnng, and the canal which now runs north and 
south on the west of the Tartar city was the moat outside the east 
wall. The East Gate stood not far from T‘ung-tsi Mung, but open- 
ing of course to the east and not to the south as the T‘ung-tsi 
Mung does. When at a point due east of Peh-miing K‘iao the 
wall turned at a right angle towards fche west, and following the line 
of the present canal, joined the hTorth Gate and so completed the 
circuit. At the time the city had but five gates — the North, South, 
East, West, and the Lnng-kuan Mung, identical with the present 
Shin-si Mung. The Imperial City of Hnng-wii, and the “ For- 
bidden City ’’ inclosed within it, were built, therefore, wholly out- 
side the old city wall, just adjoining it on the east. This city, 
including the Imperial Palace, he began to build in the second year 
of bis reign as Emperor and in the eighth moon. In four years 
it was all completed. The date of the palace, therefore, is 1874. 
It has been so thoroughly destroyed that it is difficult to tell 
what it was like, but a diagram of it is published in the history 
of the two Nanking Mens^ which shows it to have formed an extensive 
pile of buildings. It was roofed with yellow dragon-tiles, some of 
which can still be obtained. There was evidently a fine garden, as 
there are remains of an artificial cave and rockery, said to have been 
a favourite resort of the Empress. Some of the old stone stairways, 
leading into the, various balls, are still visible, with their beautiful 
carvings. The only building remaining now is the Ping-lung Tong, 
as it is popularly called, in which tradition says the Emperor was 
wont to imprison his refractory wives. I do not know the authority 
for this statement. The building is now used as a powder magazine. 
It is anything but Chinese in appearance ; the walls are solid, made 
of brick, the form of the building rectangular. Well proportioned 
windows are set at regular distances in the sides ; the roof is gabled 
but no,t carved, and there is but little cornice. If removed to 
England or America it would pass at once for an old-fashioned 
country meeting-house. A temple on the site of the palace contains 



a tablet to the memory of Fung Hiao-su, the faithful secretary of 
of Kien-wung, who refused to acknowledge Yung4oh as Emperor 
and dared to call him ‘^usurper” to his face, for which temerity he 
was slain upon the palace steps hard by. In giving directions for 
the building of the palace, Hung-wu ordered that all extravagant 
decoration should be avoided ; that everything should be simple and 
plain. He further directed that a record of the deeds of ancient 
worthies should be carved on the walls of one of the halls and the 
text of the Ta Hioh, The five bridges at the front of the palace, 
just inside the gates of the ‘‘Forbidden City,” were beautifully 
executed and remain in pretty good condition to this day. The 
front gateway of this “ Forbidden City ” must have been especially 
imposing. There are five gates, opposite the five dragon bridges 
just mentioned. Three of these open out into a plaza before the 
gates, while the remaining two, one on each side, open into two 
flanking walls which extend along two sides of the plaza at right 
angles to the main wall, and these two passages turning within the 
walls open on to the same plaza from the sides. These two were 
doubtless the gates in constant use, as they were easily defended and 
would afiord no view of the interior to curious passers-by. The two 
protecting or flanking walls, one at each side of the gateway are 
158 feet long. On the top of these walls, which are forty feet high, 
are still visible the bases of the pillars which once supported the 
lofty gatehouse and watch-tower that extended around the three 
inclosed sides of the plaza just described. 

As you come out of the “ Forbidden City” towards the Hung-wu 
Gate, you will see on your right two or three ancient p^ai-lou ox 
portals, and other ruins. This was the imperial execution-ground, 
used for state criminals. An old stone standing in the centre of 
a square, whose outline with four gateways is still visible, is 
pointed out as the execution-block. The road from the palace 
gate to the Hung-wu Mung, or as it was called in those days 
the Cliung-yang Mung, is straight as an arrow, and is known as 
the Yii Lu, or Imperial Way, and is paved with large slabs of 
stone, a variety of marble, making a road of about ten feet in 



The Huiig-wu Gate led into what must have been an imperial 
park containing the altars to Heaven and Earth, the Ming tombs 
and other important buildings. Just outside the Hung-wu Gate, 
across the moat and about three hundred yards distant, are the 
ruins of an immense circular pavilion some two hundred feet in 
diameter. The stone bases of the pillars are still standing in two 
circles,' one within the other. In numbers of places in this vicinity 
are ruins of old buildings which were roofed with green dragon 
tiles. About three quarters of a mile down the main road to the 
left of the Hung-wu Gate are the remains of the altars to Heaven 
and Earth, knqwn now as the Ta ” and “ Siao'^ Tien. The smaller 
adjoins the larger, which is a vast mound covered with broken bits of 
green tile and other debris. On the east can be outlined the 
terraces by which the ascent was made. The mound has been cut 
in two by a deep trench dug daring the T‘ai-p4ng Rebellion. In 
this trench were found several large stone bases, one of which 
measured some six feet square by four-and-a-half deep. This was 
without doubt the chief place of worship during the reign of 
Hung-wu. Here, as the great High Priest of his people, he offered 
sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. The present temple to Heaven at 
Peking, or the building commonly so called, has blue tiles. But 
this colour (Williams says) dates only from the reign of Hien Fung, 
of the present dynasty. Formerly the tiles there were of three 
colours — yellow, green and blue. Here, however, there are no 
remains of any but the green. Before reaching the Altar to Heaven 
the road divides, the branch to the left leading in the direction of 
the Ming tombs. In company with a friend I followed it up one 
day, feeling sure that this must have been the main road to the 
tombs, as it would not be at all in keeping with the imperial 
dignity to carry any member of the family to his last resting-place 
through the side-gate, and the Ch^ao-yang Mung is. nothing else. 
We walked some distance beyond the parting of the ways, when 
we found the old road suddenly stopped by a dike of earth. A 
trench lay on the other side, doubtless a relic of T^ai-pfiug times. 
We could very easily trace the road beyond the trench, however, as 
the pavement is still visible for some distance, though overgrown 



with grass, and when- the pavement disappears the general con- 
figuration of the ground indicates the direction the road must have 
taken. We continued in this direction and finally struck the 
Chinkiang highway just beyond a lofty portal whose inscription 
requests officials to dismount. Several tablets are erected here at 
the side of the road, one of which, dating from the last emperor of 
the Mings, directs the ofiicer in charge of the tombs to see that 
everything is kept in proper oi*der, and warns all persons to avoid 
injuring the shrubbery, not to graze their cattle there or otherwise 
to damage the park, under penalty of capital punishment. This 
proves beyond a question that this was the main entrance to the 
inclosure of the tombs, and confirms the opinion expressed by 
Dr. Edkins on his visit there. The funeral processions must have 
passed out of the front gate of the Forbidden City down the Yu~lu 
through the Hung-wii Gate and thence along the road which we 
traced to this portal, which marks the entrance proper to the 
cemetery. The road turned to the west to pass through this portal 
and continued in this direction to the summit of the hill over- 
looking the city, when it again changed its conrse turning toward 
the north, leading to a great pile of masonry, pierced by three 
well-turned arches. This massive structure is built of brick, except 
the base, which is faced with polished stone, a variety of marble, 
worked into an ornamental dado. The inner edges of the arches 
also were originally faced with stone. The pile is 84 ft. long, 26 ft. 
wide and is 26 ft, high. The gargoyles projecting from the corners 
indicate that ifc once had a handsome roof. Passing through these 
arches the road continues a sliort distance towards the north, when it 
enters a still larger structure some 83 ft. square and 40 ft. in height. 
The walls are drawn in slightly as they rise, giving a still more 
substantial appearance. Four lofty arches, one on each side, give 
entrance to the interior of the pile, which is now open to the sky, the 
roof having long since fallen into decay. This inner chamber is 
87 ft. square and contains in the centre a large tortoise 15^ ft. long by 
8 ft. wide and rising nearly 6 ft. above its base, and together with its 
base forms one solid piece. A tablet stands upon its back which is 
20 ft. in height and contains an account of the life of Hung-wn 



with a list of his battles. Passing out of the west gate the road 
crossed a deep gallj by a bridge which has entirely disappeared, 
sav’e one abatmenfe. From this point on nearly to the tomb the 
dragon-way winds between two linos of inaramoth images of 
animals and men, thirty-two in number, two pairs of each variety, 
one pair in a sitting posture and one pair standing, except in the 
case of the men, who are all standing. The animals are lions, 
camels, elephants, the ‘‘ Ch‘i-ling,” horses and one other non- 
descript having the body of a tiger with the hoof of a cow^ The 
elephants are cut from solid blocks of stone, the largest measuring 
12^ ft. in length by 6|-ffc wide and 12 ft. high. The human images 
are two pairs of warriors clad in mail with war clubs in their hands, 
and two pairs of civil officials in tlieir robes and bearing the mace 
of office. A stone portal of five gateways, beautifully executed, 
but now in ruins, closed the silent files, beyond which by winding 
curves the way approached the outer moat, which is spanned by 
three stone bridges, and entered the inclosure of the tomb. Within 
the entrance by a flight of stone steps we ascend a terrace on which 
formerly there stood some sort of hall. Several tablets are found 
there, among them one erected by K^ang-lii on his visit to flanking. 
Other tablets have been destroyed. Descending and crossing a 
court we reach the site of the sacrificial hall, which has been entirely 
demolished. Beyond this we pass through a gate into another 
inclosure and cross the inner moat by wliat was once a handsome 
bridge with an ornamental balustrade of carved stone which is 
partially destroyed. Beyond this moat rises the lou^ a massive 
structure of hewn stone about ISO ft. long, 60 ft. wide and 
60 feet high. It is a solid mass penetrated by a tunnel 

which, starting from the middle of the front at the base, 
rises gradually on an inclined plane toward the rear. An inclined 
way continues from the rear around both ends to the summit, on 
which stands a large hall whose roof has fallen in. Here formerly 
no doubt was placed the tablet bearing the posthumous title of the 
Emperor, but it has entirely disappeared. The grave is in an 
immense circular mound, partly natural, partly artificial, about half- 
a-mile in circumference, which stands behind the lou. Tradition 


says this mound is built of earth brought from each of the eighteen 
provinces. The tomb was begun to be built by Hung~wa in the first 
year of his reign but must have required many years for completion. 
Two members of his family died while he occupied the throne — his 
eldest son and his wife. Both were buried in this mound. There 
were formerly three mounds, but early in the present dynasty, when 
the place was put in order, these three were built into one as we see 
it now. The tomb, according to Dr. Edkins, is similar to those at 
Peking and, if built on the same plan, each mound contains in the 
centre a large circular vault, capable of holding several hundred per- 
sons, The entrance to the chief one, Hung-wu’s, which is the middle 
one, is by a tunneled passage closed by the stone wall just behind 
the p^ai lou. When the body of a dead Emperor is laid away, I have 
been told, a lamp is placed in the vault, fed by a large kang of oil 
and called the “ wan-nien-teng ” or “lamp of ten thousand years,” 
and the entrance is sealed up never to be opened again. My teacher 
says he can remember visiting. the place before the T‘ai-p4ng Re- 
bellion, when he was a boy of twelve or foiirteen years of age, and 
paying an entrance fee of four cash. At that time, he says, there 
were in the sacrificial hall a large table for the sacrifices and two 
great chairs, said to be one for the Emperor and the other for his 
Empress. The hills were covered with beautiful trees and the 
“ stone avenue ” was bordered by rows of them. Since that time the 
whole place has been laid waste by the T^ai-pfings. Adjoining the 
imperial burial-ground was another famous resort, the “ Ling-seuh 
Sz,” with its remarkable rafterleas hall, the “ Wu-liang Tien” built 
by the assistance of Hung-wu. The monastery dates from the Liang 
dynasty and was founded by Pao Chi, a celebrated monk of that age, 
who is credited with having invented the theory that the tortures of 
the damned may be relieved by the toiling of a bell, which furnished 
the Buddhist priests with a new occupation. He was a favourite 
counsellor of the Liang Wu-ti and by his aid established his mon- 
astery on the hill now occupied by the sepulchre of Hnng-wu. lu 
order to obtain this hill for himself, Hung-wu gave the monks the 
beautiful spirit vale and erected for them the great pile of buildings, 
ruins of which are still seen scattered through the grove. A finely 


drawn portrait of the founder, Pao Chi, is preserved there oti a 
stone tablet. The artist was WiiTao-tsz, one of the most famons pain- 
ters of China, who lived in the T^ang dynasty, and is worshipped, 
Dr. Edkins tells me, by the Japanese, as the god of painting. A few 
verses are cut beside the drawing which are ascribed to Li T'ai-peh, a 
noted poet, also of the T^ang dynasty. The verses give a brief 
sketch of the founder’s history, who was, we are told, found, when an 
infant, in an eagle’s nest and brought up by a poor farmer, though 
his embroidered robes indicated that he really belonged to some 
wealthy family. But the most interesting object at Ling-kuh 8z is 
the “Wn-liang Tien,” mentioned above. The building is about 140 
feet long and 75 feet wide. It is built entirely of brick and stone, 
no wood at all being used. The structure consists of a nave and two 
aisles, and the roof is one splendid arch whose ends rest upon the 
smaller arches which cover the aisles. The walls are from 10 to 12 
feet in thickness. The only light admitted, save through the doors, 
comes from two windows fixed high np in the ends of the nave. To 
what use the building was put, is difficult to say. Dr. Edkins 
expressed the opinion that it was the picture gallery of the 
monastery, as the history of the place speaks of a building 
devoted to this purpose, but the want of light would seem to be a 
serious objection to this theory. The Drum Tower, which still stands 
in a very good state of preservation, was built on the summit of the 
first hill outside the old North Gate. It dates from the third year of 
his reign. A bell tower formerly stood near by on the west, but has 
been destroyed. The place, however, is still known as the “ Chung- 
ku Lou ” (the bell-drum tower) and is located about half-way between 
the South Gate and tke Z-fung Miing, which is the gate nearest 
the river-landing, so that a local saying in common use is ** Shang 
tsih, sha pah” (Seven up and eight down,) i.e, seven li from 
South Gate to the Drum Tower and eight from there to Plia-kwan. 
A large tablet is erected here in memory of the visit of K^ang-hi, 
and preserves an exhortation delivered by him to the Nankingese, 
reproving them for pride and extravagance and recommending 
economy. The structure which covers it, used as a Buddhist 
* temple, has been built since the T‘ai-pfing Eebellion. Anotl)ier 


interesting relic of the period is a large bell cast in the twenty-first 
year of Hung-wu, which is now suspended in a temple not far from 
the Drum Tower. It is 18 ft. long and 7 ft. across the mouth. 
The metal is from B to *1 in. in thickness. Whether it was ever 
used before or not is doubtful, as it contains a serious flaw in the 
upper part which greatly injures its tone, and until two years ago 
it lay half-buried in au open field, furnishing a home for beggars. 
The natives were wont to tell marvellous stories about it : how it 
fell down from heaven, and how the T^ai-pfing rebels tried to lift it 
up but failed. A strange prophecy was circulated that the bell 
could never be raised until ^Tanking should enter on a new era 
of prosperity. It is significant, or might be to those who trusted in 
the prophecy, that it was at last raised by the aid of foreign machinery 
and suspended in a tower whose frame-work is of hollow iron 
castings. And when it was raised, lo I this legend greeted those 
who had told of its fall from heaven : Hung-wu ‘rh-shih-yih 

nien, kin yueh, kill h-h chu, ” A more romantic story tells ns 
that when Hung-wu ordered the bell to be cast, he directed that a 
certain amount of the precious metals should be put in the melting 
furnace, but that they would not unite, and after various founders had 
exhausted their skill, a noted artisan was summoned and commanded 
to furnish the bell in a certain number of days or lose his head. 
In vain did he labour ; the refractory metals would not fuse and tfje 
master naturally betrayed some anxiety. His eldest daughter no- 
ticing her father’s careworn look persuaded him to tell her the cause. 
She fell asleep that night, weeping over the doom that threatened 
their home, and in her sleep dreamed that the blood of a virgin alone 
would cause the metals to unite. Awakening she arose and dressed 
herself, and while doing so aroused her two younger sisters, who 
inquired her purpose. After refusing some time to tell, she yielded 
to their entreaties, and they, in spite of her remonstrances, insisted 
on accompanying her. So the three sisters made their way to the 
furnace and leaped into the molten sea. At once three great bells 
sprang aloft into the air. One fell in the Yangtsze, a second in 
the Imperial City and the third is this which alone remains. Images 
of the three maidens are set up in the temple where it hangs^ 



the ashes of the incense burned on their altar is said to be a stire 
cure for all manner of ills. The shrine is a very popular one with 

The present city wall was' not finished until the twenty-third 
year of Hung-wu. It then contained thirteen gates : east of the 
palace the Ch‘ao-yang Ming, south of the imlace the Chnng-yang 
Ming, now known as the Hung-wu Ming, next in regular order the 
T^ung-tsi, the Nan Ming (at that time called the Tsii Pao), the 
San-shan, the present Shiii-si Mung, the Shih-ch^ung, or, as we call 
it, the Han-si Mung, the Tsing-liaug Mung, now closed, the Ting 
Hwai, also closed, the I-fuug, the Siao-tung Mung or Little East 
Gate (sometimes called the Chung-feu Mung), now closed, the King- 
cliuang, also closed, the Bhung-tsei and the T‘ai-p‘ing. Besides 
these there is another closed gate on the north, unknown to the 
maps, and formerly there was a little gate west of the Thii-p^ing 
Gate, known as the Hei-hii Siao Mung, the Back-lake Little Gate. 
The wall is ninety-six li in length (about thirty-two miles) and 
with three men to each embrasure will require an army of fifty-two 
thousand men to* defend the battlement, The wall was built so as 
to furnish two hundred and forty-seven projections for batteries, 
which would require twelve hundred cannoneers. It was the desire 
of Hung-wu to include Purple Mountain in the city, lest at some 
time it should Ml into the liands of an enemy (an event which 
happened in the T^ai-pfing Rebellion), and put the city at the mercy 
of their cannon, but this would make they in closure too vast for 
effective defence, and he contented himself witli forming a cliain of 
outposts encircling the city. There were eighteen of these posts 
commanding the chief approaches to the capital, and each one called 
a gate. 

These names (with two exceptions) still remain to remind us of 
his plan of defence : Yao-fang, Sien-ho, Ts^ang-po, Chfi-hing, 
Kao-kfiao, Shwang-k‘iao, Ta-ang4eh, Siao-ang-teh, Shih-clihmg- 
kwan, Kiaiig-tung, Wai-king-chwan,' Fu-hing, Shang-yiien, Kwan- 
ying, Shang-fang, Kiah-kan, Fung-t^ai and Swing-siang. While 
speaking of the wall it may be interesting to note that the first 
wall built about the city was by tlm Prime Minister of ,Yueh Kwoh^ , 



named Fang Li. This state existed from 537 to 384 b.o., the 
capital being in Chekiang. This wall was but two li and eighty 
paces in length, and inclosed the town of Ma-ling Hsien, which 
was situated just outside the present South Gate, where the arsenal 
now stands. It is not identical with the present Ma-ling. The 
oldest part of Nanking therefore lies outside the South Gate, and 
from four or five hundred years before Christ down to the present 
time there has been a walled city on the site of this ancient capital. 
One of the most useful works of Hung-wu was the construction 
of the great highway from Nanking to Peking by way of 
Fung.yang Fii. I have had the privilege of travelling over it as 
far as Pung-yang, and have been astonished by the skill shown 
and the expense lavished upon it. Even as it is now, in ruins, 
a carriage could be driven with very little difficulty the whole way. 
The roadway throughout its entire length, except where broken 
at a few places, is from twenty-five to thirty feet in width, is well 
graded, and drained by ditches at either side. The bed of 
the road is built up in some places from twelve to fifteen feet above 
the fields. Whether it was originally paved throughout its whole 
length or not, is difficult to say. I am inclined to think that it 
was, as there are remains of the pavement scattered all along. 
The bridges are models of architecture, built of stone with many 
well-turned arches. The three largest have five, seven and twelve 
arches respectively, spanning three large rivers, which are crossed. 
The road is still the chief thoroughfare for travel to and from 
the north-west, and long caravans are daily seen moving over its 
course. It is a great pity that the road has been allowed to 
fall into neglect, and a great shame that a little of the vast sums 
of money annually wrung from the people should not be used in 
making similar roads in other parts of the Empire. Hung-wu 
was on the throne thirty-one years, and died at the age of seventy- 
one. Judging from the portraits published of him, he was not a 
handsome man. That in the monastery at Fung-yang Fu shows 
him to have been a spare man, with thin face, high cheek-bones, 
a long, hooked nose, and a strong mouth firmly closed by a heavy, 
projecting under Jaw, indicating a powerful ^ill. The tablet 



the tomb represents him as wearing long whiskers, but he has a 
clean face in the picture just mentioned. He was apparently a 
man of generous mind, of quick, active temperament, a man of 
strong passions, and in his later years very irritable, but like 
many such men easily turned from bis wrath and ready to forgive. 
He was a man of profound wisdom and a keen judge of men. 
He was emphatically a soldier, but in all his operations he seems 
to have consulted the welfare of the people. At the siege of 
Ho-yang his officers carried off a number of the women, but 
Hung-wu, as soon as he heard of it, restored them to their 
homes. He was no lover of luxury, as was perhaps natural in 
one who had spent the greater part of his life in camp. On one 
occasion an officer came to him with gifts of gold and precious 
stones, hoping to win his favor. Hung-wu refused the gifts 
saying: — “I have no use for these things; I want men, good, 
able men or useful articles such as grain or cotton.’^ He loft an 
axiom to his officers that the best soldiers of other lands would 
doubtless approve, Ho said ; — “ A General should make his opera- 
tions like a sweeping fire, but he should not love slaughter. That 
is not to the interest of the kingdom, but on the contrary destroys 
its happiness.” 

To liis wife, Maw Heu, must bo ascribed a great deal of the 
leniency which he exhibited in his treatment of his captives and 
others. She is reported to. have said: — Wc do not know for 
whom Heaven has destined the throne, but we do know that the 
hearts of the people will turn to him who does not love to kill.” 
The elevation of the little slave-girl of Chffi-chen to the lofty 
seat of an Empress is a strange event, yet not so remarkable when 
we reflect that her rise was due alone to the success of her 
husband ; but that she should worthily fill this position and 
prove a helpmeet for her husband, is most extraordinary and 
shows that Chinese women are no less capable when opportunity 
offers than their sisters of other lands. “ The hand that rocks 
the cradle ” may ** rule the world ” in all continents. This woman 
had a remarkable influence over her husband from her first 
ftcijuaintancc with him^ when she gerved in his uncle’s house, 



down to the day of her death. This seems to have been one of 
those rare cases in China of marriage with love; and the Chinese 
who have little that is good to say of woman in their literature, 
do great honour to themselves in the appreciation they show of 
the Empress in their histories of this period. 

The Chinese historian says of her : — Her disposition was 
reverential, economical, charitable and virtuous. She ever exhorted 
her husband to lay np merit and not wantonly to shed blood. The 
Emperor loved her, and after her death chose no other Empress.’* 

When this noble woman was taken from him he seemed to 
become an entirely changed man — peevish, harsh and violent.' 
'He forgot many of the fine maxims he had adopted at the begin- 
ning of his reign. Though he had passed such stringent laws 
against t])e Buddhist, she gathered quite a number of monks into 
the palace, and one of tliese, a clever man whom he sent to his 
son Yung-loh at Peking, was the adviser of that son in his rebellion 
a few years later against Kien Wun, He grew suspicious too, 
and descended to the most cowardly and unworthy means to dis- 
cover accusations against him, employing spies to go about among 
the people and listen to their conversation. If one was heard 
breathing a word against his Majesty, he and his household 
were immediately exterminated. One old woman was executed 
for speaking of him as Lao-t^eu-tsz. ” Thousands of people are 
said to have been slain in these freaks of temper. He was very 
cruel in his punishments too. He is said to have flayed people alive, 
and one of his Ministers who was accused of plotting treason was 
torn to pieces little by little. It is said very few of his Ministers 
died a natural death. 

All this seems out of harmony with his earlier character, and 
much of it must no doubt be ascribed to the loneliness and childish- 
ness of a widowed old age. Much as we must deplore these faults, 
we can overlook them for the sake of. the many virtues which he 
displayed. Judging him fairly atid impartially we must admit that 
he was a most remarkable man. The verdict of the Chinese 
historian does not seem extravagant : From the most ancient times 
there has been no emperor like him. ** He was the Napoleon of 



China, and, making all due allowance for the differences between 
the fourteenth and the eighteenth centuries and between Europe 
and China, there are many striking resemblances in the lives and 
fortunes of the two men. Each seems to have been born for a 
particular crisis in the history of his native laud. Both were 
brought into prominence by revolutionary struggles. Both rose by 
the power of the sword from a plebeian poverty to the po.ssession of 
imperial honours. Both were skillful soldiers, and the genius of the 
Corsican corporal, his keenness to detect the weak point in his 
adversary’s position, his celerity of movement and power of corabina- 
tion, his coolness, and, when necessary, his recklessness and daring, 
had their counterparts in his predecessor of the Celestial Empire. 
Napoleon was the greater soldier, but he was not so wise an emperor. 
He won a throne, but lost it by his folly. Hung-wa, on the 
contrary, established a dynasty that lasted for three hundred years, 
and one that has indelibly impressed itself upon the history of 

A short discussion followed Mr. Williams paper, in which 
the Chairman and several members took part, and the proceed- 
ings terminated with a cordial vote of thanks to the learned 


The Council of the North China Branch of the Boyal Asiatic 
Society beg to present their report fop the year ending the 
30th of April 1891. 

fcoijNOIL^S REPOaf. 

1. GounciL — At the annual meeting, held on the 19th May 1890, 
the following members were elected office-bearers of the Society: — 

P. J, Hughes, m.a., 

P. G, VON MOluendorff, Esq., 
Joseph Edkins, d.d., 

Wm. Bright, Esq., 

Thos. Brown, Esq., 

Bey. Ernst Faber, d.d., 

Carl Book, Esq., 

J. Ritter von Haas, 

B. A. Jamieson, m.a., m.d., 

D. 0. Jansen, Esq., 

G. M. H. Playfair, Esq., 

Bev. A. Williamson, d.d., 


j- Vice-Presidents. 

Honorary Secretary, 
Honorary Treasurer. 
Honorary Librarian. 

Hon. Curator of Museum. 


y Councillors. 



Of these, our late honoured President, Mr. P. J. Hughes and 
the Honorary Secretary, Mr. Wm. Bright, resigned, at their 
departure from Shanghai;' whilst in the case of the much lamented 
Bev. Dr. A. Williamson, his unexpected end has deprived the 
Society of one of its ablest supporters. At the request of the 
Council, t)r. Edkins has acted as President, and Mr. J. Mencarini 
was appointed to the post of Honorary Secretary. 

2. Members . — ^Fourteen new members joined the Society during 
1890-91 ; eight retired, and one ordinary member was elected 
honorary member. The roll on the SOth April last stood thus: 

1 Honorary Protector, 8 Plonorary Members, 23 Correspondent 
Members, 228 Ordinary Members (8 of whom are Life Members). 

3. Meetings . — The following three papers have been read at 
general meetings of the Society: — ‘^The Fish-skin Tartars, their 
Sable and Seal Hunting and Bear Feasts,’’ by Mr. M. F. A. Fraser; 
“Yunnan: Its Routes and Treasures,’^ by General W. Mesny ; and 
“The Probable Foreign Origin of the Ass, the Cat and the Sheep 
in China,” by Dr. D. J. Maegowan. At the annual meeting 
a very interesting paper on “Hung-wu and His Capital,” by 
Bev. E. T. Williams, of Hanking, will be read. 

4. Journal . — Some of the above-named papers will be printed 
in due time in the Society’s Journal. The printers have now in 



hand a most valuable work of Dr. Bretschneider on the “Botany 
of the Chinese Classics/’ the publication of which on account of its 
length and technical difficulties has’ been much delayed. Indeed, 
some time must yet elapse before it can be presented to the 
members, as the volume for 1891. Dr. Faber has kindly 
undertaken the difficult task of correcting the printers’ proofs 
and adding many notes, which will render the work the most 
■comprehensive and useful book winch has yet appeared on Chinese 
Botany. Many answers have been kindly sent in I'esponse to the 
Council’s circular requesting information on “Inland Communi- 
cations,” but still much more information is wanted to make a 
complete repertoire on this most interesting subject. 

5. Officers^ Reports. --Tlhei Honorary Treasurer’s, Librarian’s, and 
Curator’s reports are herewith published. The Honorary Treasurer 
reports that he has been able to collect a considerable sum of 
subscriptions in arrears. The Society’s financial position, as will 
be seen by the accounts, is in a most satisfactory state, thanks 
to the energy of the Honorary Treasurer, Mr. Thos. Brown. The 
Honorary Librarian’s report shows haw much the Society is indebted 
to Dr. E. Faber for bis untiring work. Under his experienced 
care the Society can now boast of having a most carefully classified 
Library. As will be seen by tlie Honorary Curator’s report, the 
Society’s Museum has been enriclied by several of the most rare and 
unique specimens of Chinese butterflies from Captain Yankowsky’s 
renowned collection. These were selected and purchased at auction 
by the Honorary Curator, Mr. Carl Bock. 

On Mr. P. J. Hughes, late Consul-General for Great Britain, 
retiring from the Presidency of the Society, the Council, to mark 
their high appreciation of the very valuable services rendered by 
him to the Society, nominated him an Honorary Member. This 
distinction was unanimously voted at a general meeting held on 
the 20th of April last. 

For the Council, 

J. Menoarini, 

Eon. Secretary. 

sbeasubee^s beBort. 

17 ? 

Hon. Treasurer’s Report, 

In presenting my accounts I have nothing special to remark 
beyond the fact that the period covered is for 16 months, viz, from 
January 1st, 1890, to April 30th, 1891. This has been done in 
order to bring the fiscal year down to the same date as the 
Secretary’s report. 

Thomas Brown, 

Uon, Treasurer, 








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A. W. Banforth. Treasurer. 

Henry Sohiotz. 

Shanghai, 19th June 1891. 



Curator’s Eeport. 

The thanks of the Society are due to Mr. H. B. Eudicott for 
presenting to the Museum a fine specimen of a rare New Zealand 
bird, the kiwi kiwi, or Aptenyx Mantelli, It is the only family 
still in existence of the giant ‘Moa birds of New Zealand, and 
is yearly approaching extinction. Also a beautiful specimen of 
an African lion has been presented by Mr. Frame, of the Chinese 
Zoological Gardens. The Society has bought part of the fine 
collection of butterflies made by Captain Yankowsky, but unfor- 
tunately they have not been named and classified yet, as Captain 
Yankowsky’s catalogue has not been found. It is hoped that the 
work of naming and classification will be done at some future 
ti ne, when types of comparison and the literature, necessary for 
the determination of species, will be found. ^ 

Carl Book, 

Horiu Curator of the Museum, 



Librabian’s Report. 

The library is gradually corning into a satisfactory condition. 
269 volumes have been bound during the year. The library room 
vras kept open seven hours a day. Mr. Wang spends much time 
there and assists the visitors to find the books they wish to see. 
Some visitors spend hours in reading and making notes. There can 
be no doubt that the library will become more useful to scholars 
every year. In order to increase its usefulness efforts should be 
made towards a complete collection of books on China and the Far 
East. The literature on other parts of Asia might also be better 
represented. Members and friends of the Society could assist us 
by donations of books. Especially authors should consider it a 
privilege to present a co}>y of their publications for exliibiiion in our 
library. Some duplicates may be had in exchange. 

E. Faber, 

Hon. Librarian. 

Shanghai, May 1891, 



Minutes of Proceedings at a General Meeting held at the 
Societfs Library, Miiseim Road, Shanghai, on Monday, 9th 
November 1801, at 9 p.m. 

Mr. K J. Hannen (President) occupied the cliair. There was 
a small attendance. 

At the opening of the proceedings the Chairman said : — As he 
presented himself before the Society that evening for the first time 
as President, he felt it incumbent upon him to thank them for the 
honour they had done him. They had a new President, a new 
Secretary, and they were then meeting in a new room, and he hoped 
the President and Secretary would prove as good as the room was, 
and that they might all get on and do as much for the Society as the 
room in its present state was likely to do for it. He was afraid 
he would be able to help them very little la scientific attainments or 
knowledge of China. He had been so long absent from tins country 
that bis knowledge of it was derived from the old days, but be 
would promise to take a cordial interest in the proceedings of the 
Society; he hoped to be able to attend to it, and he knew the 
members would accord to him the assistance and support they had 
always given their Presidents. 

The Secretary (Mr. Volpicelli) then read a list of the new 
members, and the minutes of the last meeting having been taken as 

Mr, Kingsmill then read his paper entitled Comparative 
Table of the Ancient Lunar Asterisms ” which is printed m eustenso 
pp. 44-79 of this volume. 

Astronomical history, the writer said, may be said to have had 
its beginning about the year 2150 b.o., when the astronomers of 
Chaldea substituted solar for lunar ohscrrations, and marked out 
the Zodiac into the twelve signs, which, with little change, still 
survive. Prior to this date the moon had kept guard over the 
calendar, and the seasons of the year were connected with the 
position of the mgop amongst the stars bordering the ecliptic. As, 

18 -^ 

however, the anomalistic month was not commensTarat© wifcli an y 
even number of solar days, a difficulty was always experienced La 
the accurate division of the groups, which, liowever, were pretfcy 
regularly divided into twenty-seven or twent^^-eig'ht, tlie latter 
number finally for the most part prevailing. TJhere is evidence of a 
former very wide extension of the Asterisms from Ciiiiia to Grreec c, 
and even to Italy; and Chinese, Indians, ancient Persians armd 
Arabians have preserved the knowledge of the entire, wliile a cotn- 
siderable number are preserved in old Grrecian lore. In A^rabia 
they have come down as the twenty-eig-ht maniiA; and ttie 
mazzarotli of the Books of Job and 11 Chroniclesliaveby coarpcfcexifc 
authorities been interpreted to indicate their extension into ancieait 
Chaldea and Palestine, The change from the lunar to the sol ^r 
calendar did not take place without opposition, sind raytliology 
preserves some tales which can only be referred to thie strife betwe en 
the two : as when in Europe at the reform of the calen-dar, aslatte 
as the sixteenth century, the ignorant crowd deinaiidecl back the 
ten days which they alleged had been stolen from tHem. 

In the early lore of China these myths are frequent; tlius t>lie 
Slm-ldng tells of T‘aik‘ang, that he went wandering- across fclieHTo; 
attempting to return, his passage was obstructed by the great, him ter 
I, who dethroned him and occupied the govermiient fortveeuty-sewen 
years, the tale plainly alluding to the crossing of tlie zodiac? by fclie 
sun, and its return at the vernal equinox, when the great bun ter 
Orion was found shooting his arrow (now his "belt), 
which then marked the equinoctial point. So Wii shim, the espeoial 
solar hero of the Chinese, had to undergo his trial of t wen-fcy-eiglit 
years, i,e. passed through the entire zodiac, bejfore liis confirmation. 

Sundry attempts, founded evidently on astronomical forintnla, 
have been made in China to establish a chronology. Thie imost 
popular makes the state to have began with ten dynasties the united 
number of whose reigns mounts up to 216, evidently related to tlie 
number of minutes (21,600) in the great circle of the zjodiac. ^ITlie 
ten dynasties must he referred to the same source as the tonanto- 
diluviau kings of Berosns, whose united reigns amomtedto 320 sam 
of 3,600 years, or 420,000 years in all, whexe the numfoers 



are repeated, or the ten antedilaviau patriarchs of Genesis, whose 
united years, deducting the times lived before the birth of the 
successor, the overlap of constellations apparently amounts to just 
7,200 (short by a yearj, and is still divisible by the ideal number 
3,000 (so also in Persia) history is made to begin with the ten 
sovereigns of the Paislidadian dynasty (an artificial number adopted 
lo suit some ancient tradition). In Cluna no trace is to be found 
of these pretended legends till after the time of the Emperor Wu, 
whose ambassadors opened communication with the West, and it 
was from the knowledge there acquired that in 105 b.c. that 
monarch ventured on introducing tlie present Chinese calendar, 
calling the, year by the appropriate name of T^ai-ch^o (grand begin- 
ning). Previously the calendar had been permitted to fall into 
hopeless confusion, so that none had any clue to the course of time; 
in Siaug Wang’s time (025 B.c.) the SJd hi tells us three intercalary 
moons had to be added, and as no written record of any sort goes 
much beyond the year 721 b.o., Sze~ma Tien, in his history, malces 
no attempt to found an earlier chronology. 

The so-called dynastic records of early China begin in myth, and 
repeat themselves closely, even those of the earlier Chows are little 
more than fairy tales. The handsome Muh and his eight horses, 
his visit to the realms of Si-wang-mu (Sameru), and his feasting at 
the K‘wen-lan, ix. with the Gandharvas, are a fit sequel to the 
myth of the dawn brothers, Tan and Fat, and the battle of Mukye, 
with which the record opens. The previous dynasty of the Shang- 
yin, with its twenty-eight sovereigns compounded of the calendaric 
stems, is even more purely astronomical, and, as in the story of T‘ai 
k^ang, told above, we find P^aii Kang, the equivalent of Wei, 
the IGth Lunar Mansion, crossing again the Ho (the equinox), the 
autumnal equinox b.o. ICOO actually being marked by the full 
moon in that asterism. 

The whole myth of the dynasty refers indeed to the passage of 
the sun through the zodiac every year, and is as little historical as 
the twelve “ Labours ” of Hercules, which were a generation ago 
still taught to school-boys as genuine history. It is possible to 
trace the myth to the land whence sprung those A.ryan tribes tg 



which Indians, Iranians, Chinese and Greeks owe so many common 
traditions/ Iranian legends tell ns of the happy land of Yima 
Kshaetra, the Airyana Vaojo, where was no cold, no heat, no old 
age, nor death. But it was not always to remain so, the climate 
became cold and wintry, and with the snows came the hordes of 
plundering Turcomans, who compelled the settled inhabitants to 
quit their once happy homes, dispersing them south, west, and east, 
to India, Iran, and even to the distant T‘ien-shan. At this latter point, 
in we find the ancestors of the Chows settled some twelve 
centuries b.o., but they were not yet to escape the persecution of the 
Turkish tribes, so under King Wan and his two sons, the Chinese 
Dioscuri Wu Wang and Chow Kung, they poured into Northern 
China, assuming the government of the pastoral tribes and impres- 
sing on them their cult, and even in great measure their language. 
Here they called themselves Li-min, z.e. Aryan men, a name 
curiously twisted, when their blood had degenerated through admix- 
ture with the aborigines, to mean the “black-haired race,’’ an 
utterly impossible derivation. 

The paper proceeded to give a general description of the Mansions 
as found from China to Arabia. The Chinese system must 
originally have commenced with the stars in the forefront of 
Scorpio, the ^ (Fang or Chamber) of the Chinese, literally the 
Cancer from which the chariot of the sun rushed when he was about 
to commence his annual journey. Some of the stations are of more 
than ordinary interest, being connected with widespread legends, 
that of Ki seventh on the ordinary list is thus connected with the 
myth of Kitsze who fled from the Court of the hated Chow of Yin 
to appear again in the land of the saffron dawn Ch‘oun-sien, by the 
enhemerists said to be Korea. The legend of Ki (the winnowing 
tray) goes further, for we find the (;nfra one of instruments given 
by Ahura-Mazdu to Yima himself in the golden paradise of 
Airyano Vaejo. More interesting still, from the light it throws on 
old. legend, is the sixteenth, the Low of the Chinese Alpha and 
Beta Arietis; the writer showed that etymologically the name is 
connected with the Apvinau (or twin horsemen) of the Indians, 
whose name was originally Da9vinau (the vedettes)^ 



peeping over the horizon, 2200 b.o. announced the coming vernal 
equinox. With the precession of the equinoxes the twin horsemen 
were placed in Gemini, the two conspicuous stars, Castor and Polliiix 
taking the place of the older but displaced vedettes. The Shi-hing 
contains [II, 4. 11. ] a hymn referring to these stars, which the 
author translated and pointed out the resemblance to the Greek 
myth of Eos and Tithonus. 

The closing groups of the system evidently relate to the celestial 
chariot, with its archer Chang (No. 26) rushing towards the goal, 
the Pi (now No. 3). We have here in succession the hank crossbar 
and pole headed by the yoke K^ang (2), which is on the very point 
of reaching the goal, the Meta of the Roman circus. 

The writer referred to the curious fact that for so many centuries 
the celestial map had remained unchanged, and that the constellations 
when carefully studied afford a record of much that is interesting 
and much that is valuable in the history of humanity. * 

Discussion on the paper was then invited by the Chairman. 

In the course of a few brief remarks Dr. Edkins called attention 
to the fact that the visitor to Peking always gets the impression 
that it is the capital of a country which cultivates astronomy, and 
probably it is the only city in the world in which this idea is 
brought before the traveller. There is something very creditable 
in the way in which the Chinese forward the claims of astronomy, 
and it is a mark of the ancient and very high civilisation of China. 

Dr. Fabbr pointed out that the care the Chinese devoted to the 
science of astronomy was, primarily, for the mere purpose of 
arranging the calendar. 

Minutes of Proceedings at a General Meeting held at the 
Society* s Library^ Museum Road^ Shanghai^ on Tuesday, 24th 
November 1891^ at 9 p.m, 

Mr. N. J. Hannen (President) occupied the chair. There was a 
good attendance. 



The President, after a brief introduction, called upon Professor 
Hitohoook to deliver his lecture on ‘‘ The Ancient Tombs and 
Burial Mounds of Japan.” 

Prof. Hitchcock began by observing that we are accustomed to 
regard all ancient religious worship as mere superstitious observances 
of ignorant peoples. But the burial customs of prehistoric nations 
and tribes have preserved to us many precious relics of primitive 
culture, and tell us in unmistakable language that the belief in a 
future life is one of the oldest among the many, far less rational, 
upheld at the present day. While the form and structure of the 
Japanese mounds were now known, thanks to the as yet unpub- 
lished researches of his companion in many journeys in Japan, 
Mr. W. Gowland, their early origin was yet to be traced. It was 
surmised that a few at least of the Japanese burial customs were 
derived from China. In the course of his own travels in the north 
he had failed to discover any indications of the existence of mounds 
like those in Japan ; but he still expected to hear of them from 
some experienced traveller in the interior of this vast empire. 
Keferring to the origin of the tombs, the lecturer said the first 
Emperor, who lived in the 7th century b.o., is supposed to be 
buried in Yamato, and the tombs of his successors are pointed out 
by the Imperial Household Department. The identity of the 
sepulchres may be questioned, but it is a fact that we can distinguish 
consecutive modifications of form apparently corresponding to suc- 
cessive periods of time. Several distinct methods of mterment have 
prevailed at different periods in Japan. They may be conveniently 
distinguished as follows : (1) burial in artificial rock caves, (2) in 
simple earth-mounds with or without coffins, (3) in rock chambers 
or dolmens, (4) in double, or Imperial mounds. The lecturer then 
proceeded to illustrate the appearance of these different kinds of 
mounds by the aid of photograph slides thrown on to a screen. 
He showed that the double mounds were invariably protected by a 
wide and deep moat, sometimes by two, and consisted ol two distinct 
mounds with a depression between them. One of these double 
mounds at Hintoku Tenno, near Sakai, according to Japanese 
ireckouing, datee from fourth ooutury. The height is 



about 100 feet and the circuit of the base 1,620 yards. The 
Emperor Kei Tai, who is reported to have lived in the 6th century, 
was one of the last Emperors known to have been buried in a 
double mound. Some mounds have terraced sides, and this form 
is said to date from about the 7th century. Large quantities of 
clay cylinders were used for the purpose of preserving the terraces 
against the effects of the weather, When the covering of earth is 
removed it is found that the stone chamber beneath, which contained 
the coffin, opens through passages often 40 feet and sometimes 
60 feet long. The earth has in many cases been washed away from 
the mounds, exposing the rocks which were piled over the central 
chamber. According bo a Japanese authority, in all the sepulchres 
the first order of performing the burials was the piling up of the 
earthen mound, leaving an underground tunnel leading from the 
outside to the very centre of the mound. This mound completed, 
the coffin, usually carved and made of stone, in which the corpse 
was placed, and sealed, was then introduced through the tunnel and 
placed in the centre of the mound, and the tunnel was then filled 
up with stones. The lecturer, however, said the coffins were not 
always introduced through the galleries, and the tunnels were 
certainly not filled up with stones, although their ends were probably 
closed with stones. He inferred from his own observations that 
the chambers were frequently if not usually built round the coffins. 
Stone and clay coffins had been found together in one cave, showing 
them to have been contemporaneous. After showing a number of 
photographs of the pottery discovered in the mounds, the lecturer 
drew attention to a number of small clay figures representing human 
beings. He said it was a very ancient custom in Japan to bury the 
retainers of a Prince standing upright around his grave. Like 
many other customs this also came from China, In the time of the 
Japanese Emperor Guinin [ 97~80 b.o, ] liis younger brother died, 
and they buried all who liad been in lus immediate service, around 
his tomb alive. “ For many days they died not, but wept and cried 
aloud. At last they died. Doga and crows assembled and ate 
them. The Emperor^s compassion was aroused, and he desired to 
change tl^e custon^. When the empress Hibatsuhime-no-Mikoto 



died, the Mikado inquired of his officers, saying ; * We know that 
the practice of following the dead is not good. What shall be 
done?’ Nomi-no-Sukune then said: *It is not good to bury 
living men standing, at the sepulchre of a prince, and this cannot 
be handed down to posterity.’ He then proposed to make clay 
figures of men and horses and to bury them as substitutes. The 
Mikado was well pleased with the plan, and ordered that henceforth 
the old custom should not be followed, but that clay images should 
be set up round the sepulchre instead,” Even as late as the. year 
646 an edict was published forbidding the burial of living persons 
and also the burial of “gold, silver brocade, diaper or any kind of 
variegated thing.” From this it might be inferred that the old 
custom of living burial was kept up to some extent even to the 7th 
century. The edict reads : “Let there be complete cessation of all 
such ancient practices as strangling one’s self to follow the dead, 
or strangling others to make them follow the dead, or of killing 
the dead man’s horse, or burying treasures in the tomb for the dead 
man’s sake, or cutting the hair, or stabbing the thigh, or wailing 
for the dead man’s sake.” The figures of clay thus introduced as 
substitutes for human sacrifices, and also to take the place of 
horses, are known as tsuchi ningion Specimens of them are now 
very rare, and this fact leads to the supposition that the figures 
were not buried but left exposed on the surface of the ground. 

The Chaibman, on behalf of the Society, thanked Prof. Hitchcock 
for his very interesting lecture, and M. Yosy-Bourbou for his 
kindness in manipulating the lantern. 

In the discussion which followed, Dr. Edkins pointed out the 
resemblance which existed between the stone relics found in Japan 
and China and in Europe, as indicating the existence of communi- 
cation between distant lands in those days. It was also very inter- 
esting to note that, in the very earliest ages, men had been 
possessed with the idea of a future life for the soul. 

Dr. Hbnry observed that the investigation of burial mounds was 
a field of antiquarian research in which scarcely anything had been 
done; and he urged that the attention of members should bo 
directed to this subject. 



Mr, T. W. Kingsmill pointed out the existence of a series of 
mounds stretching from Wongdoo to Tachanchow which might 
repny research. With regard to the custom of burying alive a 
number of retainers with a departed monarch, there was a descrip- 
tion of such an event in one of the old Chinese books. 

The President closed the meeting by thanking the gentlemen 
who had contributed to the evening’s entertainment in the discus- 

Minutes o/Prooeedings at a Gemeral Meeting held at the BodeMfs 
Library^ Museum Boad^ Shanghai^ on Friday^ 29th January 
1892^ at 9 p.m. 

Mr. N. J, Hannen (President) occupied the chair. There were 
about 20 members and tlieir friends present. 

At the opening of the proceedings the Chairman announced that 
no new members had joined since the last meeting, and there was 
no preliminary business to transact. He therefore called upon 
Dr. Edkins to read the paper translated from the Russian by 
Mr. M. P. A. Fraser, entitled “A Journey to the Upper 
Waters of the Orkhon and the Ruins of Karakorum,” by 
M. K. Yadruntseff. 

Dr. Edkins, after indicating on the map the position of 
Karakorum, the ancient capital of the Mongols, then proceeded as 
follows : — 

The object of the expedition was the exploration of the Orkhon 
Valley not only geographically and ethnographically, but also archmo- 
logically, I chose this part of Mongolia for ray journey because it 
presents a peculiar interest for historical geography. It was visited by 
Marco Polo, Plano Carpini [in 1246] and Riibruquis [in 1252], but it 
has been hardly touched by contemporary travellers, as it is now a 
desert and has lost its early historical significance. The Russian 
explorers of Mongolia — N. M. Prjevalsky, G. IST. Potanin, 
M» N. Pevtsoff— havo done much to ipake it known, buts:tiU»ia^ny 



localities in it have never been explored in detail. One of these spots is 
the valley of the Orkhon, concerning the upper waters of which river 
there have been many misunderstandings, contradictions and inac- 
curacies published. It suffices to mention that the Tola, a river well 
known to th.e Chinese as an affluent of the Orkhon, has been put down 
on many of the most recent maps as falling into the Khora-goL The 
course of the upper Orkhon has been marked as vaguely and 
variously. The river Khadosyn has been put for the Kharukha ; 
the Harin as an affluent of the Ugei-Nor, though in reality it flows 
out of Lake Ugei-Nor. For a long time it was not known that 
there are two Orkhons as far as to the Lake Ugei and not one- 
The upper course of the Orkhon deserved more accurate investiga- 
tion, in view of its historico-geographical significance. There, 
according to all indications, was the very centre of the Mongol 
Empire ; here were the first capitals of the Ohinggisides, and on the 
Orkhon was founded the renowned capital Karakorum by Ohinggis 
Khan himself, their great ancestor. 

Enjoying the support of the East Siberian Branch of the Imperial 
Eussian Geographical Society, and the protection of H. E. Count 
A. P. Ignatieff, we engaged in our Mongolian expedition in the 
summer of 1889. The personnel of the expedition was not 
numerous. The Buriat taisha S. A. Piroshkoffl (educated in a 
Eussian gymnase'), performed the role of interpreter or translator; 
Lieut, Symloffski carried on the topographical work and took 
marching surveys ; a baptised Mongol coolie, taken on at Kiaklita, and 
a Mongol guide who had been on the Tamir and the Tola ; with 
myself, five in all. The E, S. Branch could allow us 400 roubles. 
It is hardly necessary to say we could not have gone with such 
funds ; therefore S. A. Piroshkoff added 200 roubles, like a gentleman 
of means, and the remaining expenses, over 400 roubles, I took upon 
myself. We were fitted out with stores, and our preparations made 
cheaply by the Kiakhta merchant I, D. Simtsyn ; with such small 
funds it was difficult to do much. 

Among the other ends in view we had it in contemplation to 
ascertain the nature and extent of the advance of Chinese colonis- 
ation towards our boundaries on the Orkhon, and to observe the 



nomad life of the Mongols, comparing it in our day with what wc 
know from extant descriptions as it was in ancient times. Oiir 
route was the following : Kiakhta, along the Orklion to the Eiver 
Khoragol, up the latter to the temples of Dortkhe, over the 
mountains to the Eiver Tola, along the Elver Kharakha to Khadasyn 
on the highway from Uliassiitai to Urga to Lake XJgei-Nor, and 
then along the left bank of the Orkhon to the Valley of the 
Dadalkhyn-Tola, where are the ruins of Khora-balghassun, and an 
ancient town (450 versts from Kiakhta). Then an expedition to 
Isasan-Kor and Mount Khotond, along the River Djermanta to the 
Upper Orkhon, return to Khora-balghassun, and then an excursion 
to the Mongol monastery Erdeni-Tszo, cross to Kokshin-Orkhon, 
halt on the right side of it on Lake Tsaidam near the tombs, and 
return to Lake Ugei-Nor ; thence along the high road to Urga and 
back to Kiakhta. We kept to this route as a new one, avoiding 
failing into the route followed before by M. Potanin, and keeping 
well away from the Urga post-road. The whole expedition from 
Kiakhta and back occupied 50 days, in which we rode 1,500 versts. 
To cover such a journey with an expedition fitted out so economically 
would have been impossible with comrades less untiring and energetic 
than mine showed themselves to be. The result of the expedition 
was the acquisition of new matter for a map of the upper Orkhon 
country; detailed surveys between Ugei-Kor, the Djermanta and 
the sources of the Orkhon ; plans of ruined towns ; and the discovery 
of the remains of three royal residences on the Tola and Orkhon. 
The Kereksurs and tombs were located on the map, examined and 
classified according to types. The antiquities of Erdeni-Tszo were 
investigated. Vestiges of ancient inscriptions were discovered there, 
and important Runic inscriptions on tombs on the Orkhon, with 
magificent monuments of marble and granite. These discoveries 
came as a surprise to us, as not a single traveller had mentioned such 
things. It goes without saying that the means and strength at 
our disposal were quite inadequate to deal effectively with finds of 
such weighty import. We had to make our surveys of forts and 
ruins by eye on a 6-verst scale. It was often impossible for us to 
roll over stones adorned with inscriptions as we desired, as among 


ttese stones were many that must have weighed from 400 to 500 
ponds [a pond is 40 Russian pounds, or a little over 86 pounds av.]. 
What we effected was therefore more a reconnaissance than an 
exploration, the fruits of which will be for the next expedition. At 
least we came away convinced that the Valley of the Orkhon is no 
mere desert, but preserves precious relics and monuments for history 
and geography alike. Learned geographers hold various opinions 
on the general character of the part of Northern Mongolia lying 
northward from Khangai. What European traveller has omitted 
to record the depression which its aspect caused him ? But looking 
at the map of the places traversed by us, and taking into account 
the geographical, ethnological and historical associations of the spot, 
we at least found it impossible to say that the only way in which 
we were affected by it was ‘‘ a profound depression. ’’ 

North of the desert lies the elevated tract of Khangai, from which 
flow several considerable rivers ; the Onon and Kerulen to the east, 
the Selenga with its numerous tributaries, and the Orkhon to the 
west. The Valley of the Kerulen, from whence first came the great 
conqueror Chinggis, and that of the Orkhon where he established 
himself in the seat of the earlier Naiman-Keraits, played for 
centuries a prominent role in the history of the peoples of Central 

“ Reading the history of the Tartars, says Abel-Remusat, one 
sees that the country east of the Altai Mountains and south of Lake 
Baikal was always the very centre of the might of the Turk and 
Mongol race. In all probability in this region are united all those 
qualities with which nature or chance endows those lands of high 
destiny, which are to become the rallying ground of surrounding 
nations. ” To quote a Chinese historian (Sheng Yu-tze) : “ Khorin, 
north of the vast Shamo, south of the Khansai Mountains, north- 
west of the River Orkhon, was the ancient dwelling of the Huihe 
(Uigurs). Here was also the chief abode or the Northern Hiung- 
nu. Here everything seems to have conspired to form an Imperial 
centre in Hanghai. ’’ 

Such is the opinion of some but not of all. The celebrated 
Richthofen, without doubt the best informed writer on the topography 



of Asia, considers this region a steppe useless for ciiltiyation, 
deprived of water-springs. Amazed at Ogolai choosing such a site 
for a capital, the noted geologist exclaims ‘‘ Never did caprice of a 
prince lead to the selection of a less fitting spot. With the 
disappearance of population all traces of culture were bound to 
disappear as they have done.” Neither of these conflicting views 
is without foundation. 

It is true that the plateau of Mongolia, elevated between 2,000 
and 4,000 feet above the sea, with ranges of hills destitute of forests 
and with bare, treeless plains, feebly watered by scanty rivers and 
streams constantly growing less, appears to a civilised European 
unfavourable. This I can confirm from my personal impressions 
during my travels on the Orkhon. The further we left our own 
frontier behind us, the more sharply accentuated became the character 
of higher Mongolia. The woods which we had seen before on north- 
ern slopes of hills, disappeared. The part between Khora-Gol and 
the Tola, which we took nine days to traverse, presented a high-lying 
desert with streams dried up, a desert waterless to such a degree 
that sometimes onr horses on long marches had fresh gras.s to eat, 
but nothing to drink. Only the Mongol who is prepared for what 
lies before him can cross this la}id. Huge imposing ranges, like the 
Zamar, were bare and uawatered by a single rill. Only on the 
Tola and at the mouth of the Orkhon appeared a few willows, to be 
at once succeeded by the bare desert. Lake Ugei-Nor had no 
vegetation round it but rushes ; the lakes scattered here and there 
are called Tsiiliong-NDi\s, from their white colour and their great 
saltness. Only near the sources of the Orkhon appeared woods on 
the slopes ; the sources themselves are in an Alpine country abound- 
ing in trees and bushes. But a country so depressing and miserable 
to our eyes was quite otherwise for the nomads, who found, and 
still find here, the free life of the steppes and wide pastures. 
Especially attractive to the nomad is a country like the Valley of 
the Orkhon, 80 versts south of the Ugei-Nor, widening there to 30 
or 40 versts and forming a steppe. Here the Mongol monarchy, 
which liked the steppes and enjoyed their unfettered life, chose its 
place of residence. From the tops of the Khotond range, 4,000 to 



5,000 feet liigli, we admired the panorama of the Valley of Khora- 
balghassuii. Here was the abode of Temir Khan. Here equally 
clearly stood out the towers of the ruins of Khora-balghassun, the 
palace of the Mongol Khans ; the broad panorama was closed north 
and south by distant mountains, from one side rising over Lake 
Dgei, from the other over the monastery of ErdeiiLTs;i:o, 70 or 80 
versts away. This extensive prospect was doubtless sweet to the 
Mongol rulers, whose spirit loved to rule the steppes and whose 
eyes loved to range over such distant views. Here were developed 
their ambitious plans of ruling the world. On the other hand the 
villages of Kliaugai and the treeless mountain slopes wore to the 
taste of the nomads and in accordance with their habits of life, 
They were comparatively rich and luxuriant after the true desert, 
Gobi, where the nomad had earlier struggled fur his existence. The 
Orkhon and Tola valleys seemed inhabitable to the nomad and even 
to the Chinese. The descendants of Chinggis Khan cultivated the 
land, and the Chinese military colonies followed up what they had 
begun. Chang Cbun tells us that before the time of Chinggis there 
were cultivated fields and stores of grain on the Orkhon. We found 
a Chinese inscription of the Ministry of Agriculture. On the 
Djermanta Elver are still traces of irrigation works. Manzu 
Yamadzi says that on this river was a colony of men of the Green 
Banner, and that before the Kuan Taitsu the plough out here as on 
the Orkhon and the Kokshin Orkhon. Of all the valleys that of 
Dolalkha-Talagrin was evidently the most fiourishing. Chinese 
colonists are still moving along the Orkhon. We found their houses 
at the mouth of the Khora-Gol, at Tro, Shiro, and on the road from 
Urga to Kiakhta, Here they are contented to earn a scanty living 
from patches of land at which a Bussian peasant would look with 
disdain. The first European travellers who set out in quest of 
Karakoram were two parties of Dominican and Franciscan friars, 
sent thither in 1245 by Pope Innocent IV, after the Couucil of 
Lyons. Their object was to learn all they could about the growing 
Tartar power and also about countries hitherto unknown to Euro- 
peans, and they expected to find Karakoram, their destination, close 
to Lake Baikal* The first of tfiese two i^issions^ tfie 



went as far as Syria by sea ; through Mesopotamia and Syria they 
arrived at Kharasan, where the Mongol colonel Batchu met them ; 
they returned without any one of them having reached Karakoram, 
but Andrew Lanjaiiiel or Lungiirael, 

The second mission, the Franciscans, wore ordeaed to make their 
way across Europe to Batu Khan, prince of the Kiptcliaks. From 
Germany they proceeded aloiig the Dnieper to the frontier of this 
Tartar Khanate, and arrived at the headquarters of Batu Khan, who 
gave them a guide for Karakorum^ East of the Ural Eiver they 
traversed the Khirgis Steppes, and went through the town of Oniel 
(founded by the Kara Khitans) east of Lake Balkosh on the River 
EmeL Thence to Lake Uliiingar, where at that time lived a horde 
of Komans, and at the end of July they reached the residence of 
Khakan, heir-apparent of Ogatai, South of Karakorum. One of the 
members of this mission was Plano de Carpini ; he wrote a descrip- 
tion of the manners and customs of the Tartars, which is supple- 
mented by some observations by his companion traveller, Benedict 
of Polshi. Gaston, King of Armenia also journeyed to Central 
Asia about that time ; in 1254 he reached Karakorum, where he 
remained six weeks. Gaston Garison, a third son of the same royal 
house, travelled to the same capital likewise and has left us a 
description of what he saw. The most important of all these missions, 
however, was that of the Fraticiscaii, William Rubruquis, who left 
most detailed and circumstantial accounts of his route. The crusade 
organised by St. Louis in 1248 was what led to the sending of this 
mission. In 1254 the French king determined to send two missions 
to Asia, one through Armenia, Persia and Turan, the other across the 
Russian and Khirgis Steppes. The first was conducted by the monk 
Andrew ; no account of it is extant ; the second by Rubruquis and 
Kermon. Rubrik, or Rubruquis, was in the Crimea when there were 
still Goths there. He passed close to the Sea of Azoff, visited the 
country of the Nomans, the residence of Tortak, proceeded to the 
Volga and visited the camp of Batu Khan. His accounts of all 
these place are of great value. Finally he came to the Ural 
Mountains, north of which lies the country of the Poskater 
(B^sbhirp), 'fhi^ nation spoke the same language as the Hue-* 



garians. Further on he went through the Khirgis Steppes and 
down the Valley of the Tales. On this side of the Talos was the 
kingdom of Manga Khan. He also visited the town of Ekivius, 
near the modern Takraak, went along the Valley of the Hi, dotted 
with the ruins of the towns overwhelmed by the Mongols, ascended 
to the upper waters of the Irkytsk, and went up the Gobkhon River 
to Mongolia. Here he found the great Mongol high-road and 
station. The mission came on the tents of Manga Khan, pitched 
in a vast plain like a sea. There were European prisoners among 
the Mongols ; a woman from Metz married to a Russian, and a 
Frenchman, Guillaume Bancher, a goldsmith. The mission went on 
to the upper waters of the Orkhon and to Karakorum. They found 
in that city twelve heathen temples, two mosques and a Christian 
church. The inhabitants were Tartars, Saracens and Chinese. Not 
much farther on, in a town surrounded by an eartliern wall, were the 
palace and court of the Khan. With the French flag unfurled the 
mission entered the Mongol town after its long and painful journey. 
The Nestorian community came solemnly out to meet them and 
escorted them to a Christian church, where a mass was performed. 
Eubruquis has left very curious details of his stay with Manga Khan, 
of Karakoram and the magnificence of the Court of the Khan. 
Roads with regular resting-places — Norin-yang — were constructed to 
this capital, Karakorum, the Ho-lin of Chinese writers. Marco 
Polo says its circumference was three miles, the Chinese that it was 
five li. Rubruquis compares it with Saint Denys. There were two 
streets, vseveral bazaars and residences of State secretaries and oftlie 
princes. The town was surrounded by settlements of artificers, gold 
weavers and landed proprietors. It lasted up to the Mongol times. 
Originally founded by the Uigurs in the eighth century, it was 
subsequently ruled by the Khokas destroyed by the Kitans ; and 
Anald, the founder of the latter power, erected here a monument on 
which was engraved the story of his exploits. The Chinese Manza 
Yu-madzi mentions that in Karakorum was set up a monument to 
the Tuldnez Khan. Ho-lin played a part in history long after the 
fall of the Mongols and the Chinese made more than one campaign 
against ij;. Timur Khan^ when driveft out of China, raised a new 



city ia tlie valley of the Orkhoii and restored ancient Karakorum. 
On the position of this city there exists an entire literature. Five 
different places are assigned as its site. Thus Ahulgazi locates it 
in the sources of the Yeiiissei and Seienga Rivers ; Fischer, south 
of the Orkhon not far from the Rivers Tola and Kerulen ; Peter, 
Gobel and d’Anville fix it in 44® 21 ' north latitude and 103® 40^ 
30"' east longitude. D’Anville opines that it lay somewhere near 
Laka Karakhak — Ulen-nor-— and De Guignes also adheres to this 
view. Abel-Rerausat, however, brought to bear such a mass of 
geographical and historical data from ancient Chinese sources, that 
the position of Karakorum between the Orkhon and the Tamir, north 
of Khangai and South of Lake Ugei-Nor, was quite evident. 
Abel-Remnsat fixes it in the longitude and latitude of Khora- 
balghassun. Father Hyacinth and Klaproth also place it on the 

The researches of Abel-Rernusat w^ere confirmed by the routes 
and journals of the Chinese Chan-ch‘un and Chan Dak~Le, which 
were made public later on. The latter gives most exhaustive data 
for the determination of the true site, and M. Paderin, who started 
from Urga, treading in the steps of this Obiiiese traveller, and 
discovered the ruins of Khora-balghassun, thought that the journal 
of his predecessor was written with great veracity and accuracy. 
Unfortunately M. Paderin had not maps and could not take the 
bearings of these ruins as he wished to do. He locates them six or 
eight versts from the Orkhon. Manifestly he did not reach that 
river, but was only conducted from the road halting-station as far as 
the ruins. But he described the Did alkha-Tal again valley very 
truly, and there is no doubt that he went there. Schmidt, the com- 
mentator of Rubruquis and Colonel Yule, who knew so well the 
literature of K^arakorum, acknowledged the importance of Paderin’s 
discovery. The question, however, has been lately raised again. 
Professor A. M. Pozdneef has discovered from Mongol annals that 
the Mongol monastery Erdeni-Tszo, was founded on the site of the 
capital of the Ogotai, where Timur Khan founded a new capital, and 
Abotai Khan this monastery in the new town. This new view 
Cpntrav^yts the opinion, of M, Paderin, but it by at thq eame time 

tiioofisiDtiJdg, l9d 

given a fresh incentive to the collection of accurate information 
about the position of the ruins in the Valley of the Orkhon. 

The first ruins that we ourselves found were on the River Tola. 
Here was the beautiful palace of Irkhe-Mergen-Sain-Knndanze, son 
of Abotai Khan, in the 16 th century. A monument and a stone 
with an inscription in Mongol and Thibetan testify to this. We 
were unfortunately without means of photographing it, and could 
not copy it; but I begged the Consul at Urga to try and get it 
copied by some learned lama. We found the ruins of a monastery 
on the Kharakha, and some more ruins south of Ugei-nor. Five 
versts beyond that lake, and south of an affluent of the Khol, rises 
the hillock called Tashin-chil, which appears to be the remains of a 
large building with granite foundations. Fifty versts south of the 
Lake Ugei-nor and a verst-and-a-half from the Orkhon, we found 
the ruins of Khora-balghassun and the remains of a palace surrounded 
by a clay wall. This city was three versts long and two-and-a^half 
wide. Near the palace was discovered a dilapidated granite monu- 
ment, with sculptured dragons and inscriptions in that enigmatical 
language w^ritten in which we find inscriptions on stones and rocks 
in the Minasinsk district, and in southern Siberia. Similar in- 
scriptions were discovered not so long ago in caves in Tarbagatai, 
on some silver vases and vessels in the Biat-skoi district, and at 
the Minasinsk ‘‘ pai-tze, ’’ which Klaproth tried to read. Chinese 
inscriptions also occurred with those others. We copied both kinds 
and we obtained two fragments of stones with these carved charac- 
ters, which we afterwards fo the Imperial Archasological 

Committee. While engaged with topographical work at Khora- 
balghassnn, we ascertained by enquiring of Nfatives that at a distance 
of some versts away, at Lake Tsagan-Kor, in a picturesque locality, 
are to be found the remains of the palace of the Princess Toiten, 
whom tradition makes the wife of Timur Khan. Our guide next led 
us to the Khotond Mountains where also we met with old monu- 
ments and an octagonal tower of Temir Khan. At this point a fine 
panorama of the Dalalkha-Tal again valley spread itself before us. 
In this valley at the foot of Erdeni-Olo, we saw the ruins of a village 
six versts from those of Khora-balghassun, and the principal. 


Returning to Khora-balgliassnn, we ascended the River Rjermanta, 
crossed the Uling-Deba Pass and entered the Alpine region of 
Kliangai; on the third day we were at the foot of the Sobnr- 
Khoirkhon, a mountain with patches of snow upon it, from which 
were yisible the sources of the Orkhon, forming a lake cupped on 
• the slope of a hill. After observing this country we left the Alpine 
. region close to the Tsitserlik, a tributary of the Tarair. Following 
up along the Djermanta, we saw also ancient remains of buildings 
and a multitude of tombs and Kereksurs, and where the river meets 
the Khara-Khndjir we came upon remains of irrigation and stone 
hulo for threshing and grinding corn. South-west 35 versts from 
the Djermanta we found the hot iron-water springs mentioned in old 
Chinese maps, where was a temple and ten baths, near which we 
admired some conduits hewn in granite, which once adorned a tank 
or cistern. Here probably were the Khan’s baths. The adobe 
walls of some buildings around the hot springs were still standing. 
High up the Djermanta Kiver at Tsogansuma and Kak-suma we 
again found traces of buildings. Evidently there was once a |)opu- 
lation there. Nearer to the Monastery of Erdeni-Tszo and Kokshin- 
Orkhon we found also vestiges of ramparts and ruins of houses, 
which once formed a town, now called Khonzyu-klioto. In the 
monastery itself were a great number of antiquities with inscriptions 
in Chinese, Arabic and Mongol characters ; these have been disfigured 
by the lamas, who have drawn over them pictures of their Buddhist 
legends or have used them for foundation stones in building temples. 
This wealth of antique relics was unexpected by us, and only showed 
that we were in a valley once thickly populated almost up to 80 
versts from the Dgei-Nor. This is confirmed both by Chinese 
annalists and by Mongol history. Chan Chun saw ruins of towns 
in the Valley of the Orkhon. At the time of Chinggis Khan there 
were on the Orkhon River a military colony and a small town, called 
Djin-khoi-chen, under the command of Djin-khoi, who had under 
him 300 houses of goldcloth-weavers from western regions and 300 
of wool-weavers from China, Artificers were brought hither from 
Turkestan after Chinggis Khan’s campaign in that country. 
Another traveller, Djin-Do-Khai, mentions Chinese ruins on the 



Tola, and the hamlets Bibe-ke-du, where lived makers of bows for 
shooting. Ogotai Khan in 1284 (the 7tih year of his reign) threw 
walls round the Karakorum built by the Uigurs, and built there 
the palace of universal peace. In 1286 he removed to another 
palace — King Kiang-tisa, 70 li north of Ho-iin, where was the town 
of Fu4in. The following year was laid the plan of a palace 30 li 
from Ho-lin, and here the local government was located, but it was 
afterwards shifted to Ho-lin. 

There are several mentions of residences of princesses, wives of 
Khans, by travellers and annalists. In view of all these reasons for 
the valley of the Orkhon becoming a centre of population, the 
numerous traces of habitations having existed there need no 
surprise. Karakorum, or Kholin, was in Mongol times 100 li S.W. 
of Lake Ugei-Kor between the Tamir and the Orkhon ; this I have 
already stated is evident from the historial data, and just here we 
found extensive ruins. The name Khola has also been preserved 
here ; some rivers falling into the Orkhon bear the ancient 
appellation of Norin. Lake Tsetsek-Nor (lake of flowers) by 
which the Khans hunted, is near the Djermanta, and another lake, 
Tsagan-Nor, also still retains its ancient name. 

Finally, history tells of a mountain, Ku-li-ta-ha, or Kut-tagh. 
Easchid Eddin and Chinese authors both mention it. It lay near 
another mountain, Ufce-ken, Tah-wei-kiong, or as AbeLRemusat 
conjectures, Tu-hing. The names of these mountains survived 
from the time of the rule of the Tukiie and Khoi-Kho of the 
Uigurs, These were mountains of happiness,’’ as the welfare of 
the kingdom depended on them, and when the Chinese by stratagem 
took from the Uigurs those pledges of heavenly protection, UinLlun, 
I8th king of the Uigurs, died, and his people were scattered. The 
same legend of mountains, with which the happiness of the state is 
bound up, is still told in the Dalalkha-Talgain Valley of the mountain 
Erdeni Olo, which is near Khora-balghassun, and Karakorum lay 
at the foot of this mountain. 

Thus geogi'aphical testimony and ancient tradition alike point to 
Karakorum having been just hereabouts. Perhaps the inscriptions 
discovered will further go to clear up this point. Fifteen versts 


from Khora-balghassun we came upon sumptuouvsiy built tombs 
adorned with statues and with stone tablets. On tliese tablets were 
as many as 40 lines of Runic cliaructers, along with Chinese, which 
will perhaps yield information of weighty import. Finally, as 
Colonel M. V. Peotsoff’s survey showed Lake UgeLNor to lie in 
47^ 47^ 23'^ N. Lat. and 102^ 45 ' 25 '' E. Long., we conceive 
Karakorum to lie at a point of which the geographical co-ordinates 
would be 4-7*^ 15^ N. Lat. and 102^ 20^ 15^^ Long, east of 

Passing from the Mongolia of the past to the Mongolia of the 
present we would say a few words on our relations with that country. 
We are brought into relations with it perforce as a considerable 
portion of it is conterminous with southern Siberia. Through 
Mongolia goes our road to China; at Urga, Uliassutai and Kobdo 
there are already Chinese merchants ; through Urga the tea of 
China is brought to Kiakhta. Mongolia can no longer threaten 
Europe or ns with the invasion of her hordes, — the Mongol is now 
slave of China ; under the influence of Buddhism which reached 
her through Thibet, the moral, spiritual and economical aspirations 
of Mongolia hare undergone a great change. Everywhere on 
mountain and plain, side by side with the yourts of the Nomads, 
are found lama monasteries or kurens, which form centres for 
settled life to group itself around, and spread their influence over 
the entire surrounding population, Chinese influence is seen in 
Mongolia both in the adminstrative sphere and in the economical or 
tradal. Chinese fashions' have impressed their stamp on Mongol 
existence; the Mongols wear Chinese textures, use Chinese 
industrial productions, and Chinese traders settle under the walls of 
Mongol monasteries. In Urga, that prime centre of Buddhism in 
north-east Mongolia, numbering 10,000 monks within its walls, two 
conflicting civilisations are seen together striving for the mastery. 
Lamaite purism and pietism with Chinese rationalism, practicability 
and animal epicureanism. The Chinese is more cultured than the 
Mongol, but he exercises, no intellectual or moral influence over 
him ; in those domains the Thibetan monk occupies the first place. 
The grafting of Buddhism on Mongol life showed an awakening of 



moral and spiritual aspiraiions in that people. Buddhism among 
the Mongols must be considered a step onwards in civilisation j a 
greater step lies before the Mongols when they become subjected, as 
they must soon, to the influence of European civilisation instead of 
Thibetan and Chinese. Whence is this influence to come? 
Evidently from the Russian outposts of civilisation near Mongolia’s 
frontiers ; such centres as the towns of Kiaklita, where were 
concluded our treaties with China, and the Russian factories in 
Chinese towns, as for example in Urga. It is a pity that 
notwithstanding relations of long date and several treaties concluded 
during the last century, the influence of our civilisation on our 
neighbour Mongolia has been so insigniflcant. Time, however, is 
doing its work, Russian productions are finding their way in greater 
and greater quantities into Mongolia. We found there Russian 
axes, Russian nails and Russian woollen cloth. The Mongol 
shares in the Kiakhta trade both as a middleman and as a carrier. 
On the borders relations have been placed on a solid basis. Urga 
has a Russian Consulate-General, established for the support of our 
countrymen and their commerce. Between the Chinese Maimatchin 
and the lama temples of Urga have arisen Russian buildings, the 
residence of a consul, and a Russian church. It is proposed to 
institute there a school for interpreters. Russian bridges are being 
built over Mongolian river.s, and it is hoped that soon regular 
Russian stations will be established between Urga and Kiakhta. 
There are Russian shops in Urga, and there can be seen specimens 
of our products. These will no doubt acquire a more extensive 
sale in Mongolia in proportion with the increase of manufacturing 
activity in 8ib3ria. But although in the purely economic sphere we 
have not yet gained many triumphs, we have a power to help us, the 
jDower of enlightenment and real civilisation, which will yet be 
triumphant over the lamaisrn and Buddhistic influence which yet 
hold the field. In this coming conflict we have useful allie.s in our 
native fellow-subjects east of Lake Baikal, the Buriats, who now 
present an interesting example of a growing civilisation yet in a 
transition stage between nomadism and settled agricultural and 
commercial life, These Buriats, who have something of the Mongo], 



and something of the Russian, form a conecting link between the 
two peoples, and through their intermediation Mongolia is 
constantly gaining a better knowledge of what Russian njitionality 
and Russian culture mean. 

Of late unnecessary alarm has been expressed about the spread 
of Buddhism and lamaism in the Za-Baikal territory, or Transbaikal, 
the region lying east of that immense lake. These apprehensions 
are founded on false conceptions of the situation. Although Bud- 
dhism may have gained ground there in the very remote past, 
there is nothing to fear from it in the future. From our own 
ethnographical observations of the life of the Buriats and other 
natives of Za-Baikal, we are convinced that lamaism there is not to 
be compared as a force with lamaism in Mongolia. There it is lord 
and master of the land, here only a tolerated guest and stranger in 
the land. The leaven of lamaism was laid in Mongolia by learned 
and saintly Thibetan monks. The influence of Thibet in our Sibe- 
rian territories was never powerful and the propagandists of lamaism 
among our Buriats were and are Mongols, the most simple and 
ignorant of men. The peaceful contest between lamaistic Buddhism 
and Christian civilisation will on that account alone be waged with 
far greater advantages for the latter in Transbaikal than farther 
south, and her triumph will be far easier. The lamas at work 
among our Buriat fellow-subjects are distinguished by absence of 
fanaticism. Those whom we met in the district of Gusino Ozero 
showed a remarkable spirit of loyalty, hospitality and courtesy to 
us and other Russian travellers and guests. They are not only 
obedient to our officials, but they are displaying of late a more 
marked desire to gain a clearer knowledge of our civilisation. They 
learn to read our books ; Russian photographers are allowed free 
access to their monasteries, as is proved by the mass of photo- 
graphs taken by M. Cbarushin, The Transbaikal Kombo Lama, 
D. G. Gomboyeff, supplied the museum of the E. S. Branch of the 
Geographical Society with a quantity of objects pertaining to the 
Buddhist cult, and thanks to this liberality, last winter, the Branch 
held a great exhibition at Irkytsk comprising 600 objects, original 
or copies. Ten lamas are enrolled as members of the Society. 



On such studies the Christians and the Buddhists are on common 
ground, and as the eyes and ears of the Buddhists are not here 
closed by fanaticism, there is every hope that the spirit of Christian 
patience, gentleness and love will in the end prevail. Believing in 
the life-giving power of the higher Christian civilisation, in its 
humanising influenGe, in its indestructible might, we are convinced 
that the Mongol world will, by the help of the friends of enlighten- 
ment, come to feel that influence, and the history of Mongolia, 
as savage Mongolia, will come to an end for ever. 

At the conclusion of the paper Mr. Kinosmill said the portion of 
Mongolia referred to must always remain a country of wonderful 
ir^ teres t to all enquirers into the history of the ancient tribes of tlie 
world. It was in this country that the changes from which modern 
civilisation and history have been evolved, commenced. There was 
nothing extraordinary in the Russian travellers finding Runic 
monuments in this region, because there in the dawn of history 
dwelt a people of Teutonic or Scandinavian connections. In fact it 
was probably from these regions that our own ancestors, the Saxons, 
came. It was there that Alexander the Great stopped in his 
conquest of Central Asia, and the last chief with whom he had a 
contest was a man who bore a singularly Teutonic name. The 
Chinese described the people who dwelt in Mongolia as a fair race 
with blue eyes. These people were subsequently dispersed by a 
Turkish tribe, who, in the ancient ages of the world, began to 
emerge from this part of Asia. Traces have been found in Mon- 
golia of some very old Turkish tribes, who in the second and third 
centuries attacked the eastern flanks of the Roman Empire. In 
those days Mongolia was well wooded and watered, hut the early 
Chinese settlers who came into the country cut down the trees, 
made roads, drained the marshes, and generally cleared the land for 
the purposes of settlement. Afterwards the face of the country 
assumed the aspect it now presents, that of an arid desert with 
scarcely a tree or a stream of water. Mr. Kingsmill concluded by 
saying that Mr. Fraser deserved the most sincere thanks of the 
Society for translating the very interesting paper of the Russian 
traveller^ and be V70uld like the Society’s appreciation of the trans- 



lator to be recorded upon tbe minutes. It was a fortunate thing 
for the Society that they had a member capable of translating 
information from the Eussian. 

General Mesny remarked that he noticed several Turkish names 
in the very instructive paper read by Dr. Edkins, though to judge 
by it the people to whom it referred were nob Turks but Mongols. 
There are plenty of people, however, in Mongolia possessing blue 
eyes and light complexions, resembling generally the people of 
modern Europe in appearance, and still they all speak a dialect of 

Dr. Magoowan said he must felicitate the Society upon having 
a member conversant with the Eussian language. Q'his was the 
second or third paper Mr. Fraser had translated, and a good deal 
of valuable information is to be derived from Eussian sources, a fact 
of which Mr. Fraser is evidently very well aware. Especially the 
modern researclies published are of great interest to us, and 
fortunately in Mr. Fraser they had a person capable of giving them 
to the Society, ^ud he seconded Mr. KiiigsmilFs motion with great 
pleasure. He referred to the Buriats and Uigurs named by 
Mr. 'Yadruntseff. He met Eussianised Buriats in Transbaikalia, 
and heard much respecting these who are still Buddhists. These 
Mongols are interesting and are the most promising of the Asiatic 
peoples who go to. make up the heterogenous Eussian Empire. 
Concerning the Uigur Turks an interesting discovery has just been 
made showing that the Turks had effected their way to the sea-coast. 
Just as Dr. Macgowan was leaving Vladivostock there came into 
the possession of Mr. Sheveleff a stone slab bearing an inscription 
apparently in Uigur. The doctor printed a photograph of a portion 
of the inscription, which he has now presented to the Eoyal Asiatic 
Society. A complete copy was to be sent to Petersburgh, where no 
doubt it will be correctly deciphered. 

The Ohairmak said he was quite confident the proposition made 
would be accepted by the Society with the greatest cordiality. 
Personally he thought it was as interesting a paper as he had heard 
for a long while, and it had called forth as interesting commentary 
in the remarks of Mr, Kingsmill mi Pr, M^iogowan as he bad beard, 

^ 6 ? 

they mtlst all be mosfc grateful to Mr. Fraser for having translated 
the paper and to Dr. Edkins for having read it, and he need hardly 
say the vote of thanks would be fully recorded on the minutes. 

The proceedings then terminated. 

Minutes of a General Meetino of the China Branch of the 
Boyal Asiatic Society held in the Society's Library^ on Monday ^ 
15th February j at 9 pm, 

Mr. l!^. J. Hannen (President) occupied the chair. 

The Chairman, after briefly opening the proceedings, called upon 
Mr. Z. VoLPicELLi (Hon. Secretary) to read bis paper, entitled 
Wei-Oh^i. ” 

Mr. VoLPiOELLi then read his paper, which is printed in 
ewtenso pp. 80-107 of this volume, illustrating his observations 
by frequent demonstrations on a large diagram attached to a 
blackboard. He said that wei-chfl is the great game of China. 
It is considered by the natives of this country to be far superior to 
their chess (which is but slightly different from ours) and to be the 
special game of the literary class, while the military men amuse 
themselves with hsiang-chfl or chess. These facts naturally arouse 
our curiosity, because we are so much accustomed to regard chess 
as incontestably the royal game, that we wish to examine the merits 
of the unknown rival which destroys all our preconceived notions 
about the precedence of games. We find on examination that 
wei-chfl does possess interesting features and requires great skill 
in playing. It has for us the merit of absolute novelty, because 
it differs essentially from all the games we may have learnt. Unlike 
chess or draughts, the men are never taken but remain where they 
are played. The game is not a series of skillful evolutions but a 
successive occupation of points which, joined together, give a final 
winning position. Though the game is on a very extensive scale, 
the board containing 861 places (while our chess-board has only 64), 
and the men employed being nearly 200 a side, still it is very simple 


in principle, all tlie men having the same value alid the feamc 
powers. The elements of wei-ch‘i can be learnt easily, and one can 
very soon play without infringing the rules — much sooner than one 
can with chess. This simplicity, however, does not deprive the 
game of that charm which is found in the exercise of skill. To 
achieve the object of the game on such an extensive board requires 
great foresight and profound calculation. The object in playing 
wei-cliT is to occupy as much space on the board as possible. 
He who at the end of the game commands most places has won. 
This object can be carried out in a twofold manner : by enclosing 
empty spaces on the board with a certain member of one’s men, and 
by surrounding and capturing the enemy’s men. The name wei-chT 
comes from wei, meaning to surround.” Though it is so easy to 
state in general terms the object the wei-chd player has in view, 
it requires great skill to effect it, if he is matched with a good 
adversary. While lie is trying to surround the enemy’s men, his 
are being surrounded by the adversary’s, and this often occurs in 
the same part of the board, so that the men get interlocked and the 
position of one additional man may turn the scale of victory. As 
there is no piece of vital importance like the king at chess, and as 
the object of the game is of a general arithmetical character — to 
secure most places — one need not get discouraged if one loses in 
one part of the board. The places lost there may be compensated by 
surrounding the enemy in another quarter ; so that wei-chT instead 
of concentrating the attention of the player in one spot as in chess, 
on the king, diffuses it all over the board. Very nice calculation is, 
however, always necessary, so that one may balance the losses here 
with the gains there. Wei-chd, which originated in China, has 
been carried to all those countries that have been influenced by 
Chinese civilisation. It is played in Corea and Japan. Owing to 
its simplicity it has changed little in its migrations and is played 
almost identically in China and Japan, while Japanese chess differs 
from Chinese as much as from European. In Japan the game is 
called go-bang (not, however, what is called ‘^go-bang ” by foreigners) 
and has been always in high favour. In the feudal days the great 
jiohlcs had celebrated players attached to their households and were 



as proud of them as of their bulky wrestlers. It is to be hoped 
that this interesting game may be appreciated in Europe, where, 
if we are correctly informed, some steps have already been taken 
to introduce it, its practice having already been begun in Germany. 

The Chairman observed that just in the same way as it was said 
of wei-ch‘i that the interest was not confined to one particular corner 
of the board, so it might be said with regard to chess, in which not 
only does the player attack the enemy’s king, but other places as 
well. Wei-chfi reminded him of a game called reversis, ” in 
which the men are not captured, and in which much the same spirit 
of contrivance and foresight is required. It was very much more 
than he could do to understand the game fully from hearing it once 
described, but they would all feel the greatest interest in reading the 
paper when it was printed in full. 

Mr, T. W, Kingsmill remarked that wei-chfi has very much in 
common with the schoolboy game of “fox and geese.” 

■Dr. Edkins said the game was first mentioned in Chinese writings 
about B.c. 625. At that time it was played, among other places, 
in Honan. The number of the squares showed it was likely to be 
a favourite recreation of mathematical pupils, and that it was pro- 
bably derived from the Babylonian astronomers, who were at that 
time the teachers of the East. Chinese emperors have been very 
fond of this game, though it subjects them to the necessity of 
forgetting their rank, and those who play with the Emperor sit in 
his presence. It is recorded of Chi-kao, an Emperor of the 4tb 
century, that on one occasion he made a move irregularly. The 
courtier who was playing with him held the monarch’s finger, and 
the Emperor was not offended. This was thought important enough 
to be mentioned in history. 

The President having announced that a vote of thanks would be 
recorded in favour of Mr. Volpicelli, the meeting terminated. 




MmuTEs of Proceedings at a General Meeting held in the 
Societifs Library^ MnBmm Jload^ on Wednesday, SOtJi Maixh 
1892, at 9 pm, 

Mr. N. J. Hannen (President) occupied the chair. 

Dr. Edkins read a paper by Dr. do Groot, late of Amoy, on “ The 
Militant Spirit of the Buddhist Clergy in China,” which is printed 
in extenso pp. 108-120 of this volume. 

Dr. DE Groot’s interesting paper contained a very exhaustive 
account of the different instances recorded in Chinese history in 
which the Buddhistic clergy engaged in actual warfare. Many of 
the clergy distinguished themselvea so much in this new capacity, 
that they were even put in command of large forces. They engaged 
sometimes in defence of the throne against rebels, and in other 
instances they sided with the insurgents, while in other cases they 
took up arms simply to put down local dislnrbances, or to defend 
their temples, or to repulse the attacks of the Japanese. They 
showed great fidelity and indomitable fortitude. The monk Chenpao 
[a.d. 112G] after struggling gallantly against rebels, Avas captured, 
but though every inducement was offereed him to take up the cause 
of the rebels, he answered ; “ Our law forbids us to betray our 

trust. 1 have promised the Emperor of the Sung dynasty to die for 
him; how can I violate my promise? ” and he cheerfully suffered 
death by the sword. Another Buddhist priest, the octogenarian 
Yuen-tsing, being made prisoner, was condemned to have his foot 
chopped off. Not only did he show no fear, but when the execu- 
tioner failed in his stroke, he taunted him for his want of strength, 
and put his limb in a better position, so that the work might be 
done properly. 

Besides engaging in warfare tlie monks have often practised 
warlike arts in times of peace. The convent of Shao-lin was famous 
for its cultivation of fencing, and a manual on that art "was published 
by one of its inmates prior to the seventeenth century. In the 
Ohhing-cheng period (1028) when a rebellion broke ont in Honan, 
the Governor entrusted the drilling of a body of troops he had 
raised to the monks of Shao-shih. 



After quoting these instances Dr. de Groot showed how contrary 
they are to the spirit of the whole of the Buddhist teaching, which 
not only forbids killing and the encouragement of killing, but 
looking on at murder, visiting all these crimes with the 
(expulsion), i.e, the individual guilty of such sins loses all prospect 
of ever being saved. Besides forbidding such crimes the Buddhistic 
doctrine forbids even the frequenting of armies or the carrying of 
messages between hostile forces. The reaiject for life is extended 
to all living things, and this principle is pushed to such an extreme 
that it is enjoined even to sacriiice one’s life for the sake of other 
beings and to give one’s body to hungry tigers. It is this principle, 
according to Dr. de Groot, which accounts for the occasional 
engaging in warfare of the Buddhistic clergy. Wars in China have 
always been carried on in the most merciless manner, whole regions 
liave been devastated and the inhabitants destroyed without regard 
to sex or age. To prevent such reckless carnage, the monks have 
momentarily relinquished their rigid adherence to their rules for- 
bidding all strife and even the possession and use of weapons. To 
this must be added the spirit of devotion to all authority, from the 
father to the Emperor, which is the basis of Chinese society and 
has been cordially accepted by the Buddhists in China, who, there- 
fore, would in obedience to such a sentiment consent to take 
arms to defend the sovereign, and in certain cases when rival claims 
were dubious, even to defend a usurper whom they might consider 
as the rightful authority. 

The ChaipiMan remarked that the interesting paper just read, 
showed that Buddhism, like all other religions, had not always been 
able to adhere strictly to its principles. All religions were founded 
upon universal benevolence and forbade bloodshed, but in many 
cases circumstances were such that men to defend all that they held 
most dear had to employ force and shed blood to put down lawless 

Dr. Edkins said that Dr. de Groot had referred to the circum- 
stance that writers on Chinese Buddhism bad not mentioned the 
militant spirit of the Buddhist clergy. In fact they are now 
peaceable and indisposed to fight. The Chinese goveimment does 



not look to tliGm to fnrnish recruits to the army. Confucianism 
regards them as bookworms or white ants which waste the wealth 
of the state without in any way adding to it. This is seen in the 
Bacred Edict where the Buddhists are as a community condemned 
on this ground. Dr. de Groot had in his paper unearthed many 
passages which show that formerly the Buddhists have actually taken 
a share in the military defence of the state, but this has, if fairly 
considered, been only accidental, and on the whole the Buddhist 
priests must be viewed as belonging to the non-%htiiig portion of 
the community, and they are far from being regarded as the natural 
defenders of the public tranquillity. 

Mr, VoLPiOELLi said that Dr. de G root’s paper showed up 
Buddhism in a new light, and took away somewhat from the exag- 
gerated claims of its supporters. Many supposed that Buddhism 
was an exceptional religion which had never violated its stringent 
rules. On his voyage homeward he had liad frequent conversation 
with an enthusiastic Cingalese Buddhist— Mr. Dammapala. This 
gentleman, comparing Buddhism with Christianity, claimed for the 
former an undoubted superiority as the only religion which liad 
never wavered in its principles and had always forbidden war and 
bloodshed, and pointed out triumphantly the many religious wars in 
Europe. The facts now brought forward by Dr. de Groot showed 
that Buddhism also had sometimes favoured warfare, if such action 
might be justified, in some cases as the inevitable choice of the 
lesser evil : the slaughter of the lawless few to save .the multitude 
of peace-loving inhabitants. In other cases quoted by Dr. de Groot 
the recourse to arms had been adopted from selfish motives to save 
their temples and possessions. The action of religious bodies in 
times of strife depended more upon the character of the people than 
upon the principles they professed. 

Dr. Fabkr added that the European admirers of Buddhism con- 
sidered it in an ideal light and refused to take account of the 
features which might lower it; in general estimation. Chinese 
history contained many more instances where Buddhism not only 
had engaged in strife but had even provoked it. 



A speaker referred to an instance in Japanese history when the 
Buddhist monks engaged in regular forays like feudal freebooters. 

Mr. Lyall enquired from Dr. Edkins if he could throw any light 
upon the fact mentioned by Dr. de Groot that a regular school of 
fencing existed in the convent of Shao-lin. 

Dr. Edkins replied that many riotous men joined the monkish 
community to avoid hard work. Pood and clothing with nothing 
to do was a temptation to such men. They break the Buddhist 
rules occasionally and are expelled. If robbers should attack a 
monastery in a mountain spot and an exposed situation, such riotous 
monks would be the readiest to meet the robbers with a blow for a 
blow. Fencing would suit the monasteries in these circumstances 
and would be found most useful as a means of self-defence. It is 
a duty to protect, as Dr. de Groot said, the images, the books and "" 
the priesthood. 

The Chairman closed the meeting by proposing a vote of thanks 
to Dr. de Groot for his interesting paper. 

Minutes of Pbooeedings at a General Meeting h hi at the 
Society'^s Library^ Museum Boad^ Shanghai, on Wednesday, 
1st June 1892, at 8A5 p.m, 

Mr. [N*. J, Hannen (President) occupied the chair. There were 
about 20 members and friends present. 

The minutes of the last meeting being taken as read, the Chair- 
man called on Dr. Edkins to proceed with the reading of his lecture 
on “ The Growth of Language.’’ 

The lecturer began witli laying down three rules of procedure in 
comparing families of language with each other: — (1) The sphere 
of ethnology is distinct from that of language because conquered 
races and absorbed nationalities learn the language of the con- 
querors. (2) The indestructibility of words. There is no litnit in 
time to the lifetime of words. They may last for many thousand 
years, only they must have a clear significance and be marked . by 
intensity of feeling or constancy of repetition. (3) Physiological 
control over all later changes is to be taken as a fixed law. Th^e 



three things premised we may proceed to compare the languages of 
the Continent of Asia witli each other. 

The families of language in Asia are nine : 1 Chinese, 2 Japanese 
and Corean with Aino, 3 Manclm, Mongol and Turkish, 4 Tibetan 
and I3urmftse, 5 Annamese and Siamese, G Indo-European, 7 
Semitic, 8 Dravidian, and 9 Malay. 

The Chinese is the most prirniiive among these. We see in Shang- 
hai among the natives about two thousand imperfect speakers of 
English. They pronounce it most of them wretchedly because they 
have not a command of a large number of separate sounds. On the 
other hand Europeans speaking Chinese pronounce fairly well be- 
cause they find the sounds not difficult to imitate. This shows that 
Chinese is primitive in type and ohl, while European are the most 
competent and perfect languages existing in any part of the world. 

Yet China has made great achievements in language, as her large 
collections of words show. Her vocabulary in agriculture, politics 
and social questions, in medicine and the arts, is very voluminous. 
But she did not get beyond the monosyllable. The 23ol}> syllabic 
growth of language is due to the nomad races. The process was 
probably of this sort. Agricultural vocabularies are spoken with 
local accent. But if the speakers become nomad they move to new 
markets at a distance and all local accent is then useless; then 
they repeat a word or use a synonym to make, the bargainer under- 
stand. This is a movement in the direction of polysyllabism. We 
see the same thing among the Chinese themselves who are heard 
repeating words when tliey explain the Confucian books in modern 
colloquial. Two words take the place of one. This then is the 
origin of polysyllabic speech. It is caused by the removal of 
speakers from agricultural life to nomad life. Agricultural life 
supplies words, Nomad life supplies forms. 

Then the Indo-European languages were shown to be based on 
the Tartar. The Tartar languages were developed when ISrorth 
Asia had a warm climate and metallurgy and agriculture flourished 
in the basins of the Caspian and of the now Frozen Ocean. The 
Accadians were one with them at that time, and this appears to 
have been one of the early civilisations of the world. With the 



stimulus then acquired the Accadians were able to do what they 
afterwards achieved in Mesopotamia. The fact that the Tartars 
and Accadians alike have the pronouns me and mine and the con- 
nected substantial verb to he shows this. 

The lines of migration were then traced by the help of the names 
of the domestic animals, especially the dog, horse, and cow, and the 
words for cheese, butter and milk. By this means it was shown 
that there were about four latitudinal lines of migration from Asia 
to Europe, and that for example the Tibetan word for cheese being 
the same as that of the Greeks, a part of the Greeks might go from 
near Tibet westward through Persia to Europe. Certainly tlio 
many names of animals which are the same in Tartaiy and Europe 
show that there is ground for the ■ view that the vocabulary of 
Europe and Tartary is identical ; e.g. Ogoli (owl, in Mongol) is Oglo 
in Swedish. 

The reason that the Tartar languages were able to attain this 
position of prominence in the development of European speech is 
found in an early civilisation in Siberia and the Caspian basin when 
the climate was warmer than it is now. 

If words are really the same in the older system of language and 
in the newer, the etymology of words ought to be sought in Eastern 
Asia, where systems of human speech still exist of very antique 

At the close of the lecture, the Chaieman spoke of it in a highly 
commendatory manner. But in regard to the Japanese name for 
dog^ which it had been stated was the same word with the English 
dog^ he remarked that he entirely failed to see any resemblance. 
But ill regard to this the attention of the Chairman was drawn to 
the circumstance that g is dropped, that n is really the source of d, 
and that i is prefixed just as the Japanese prefix u to the Chinese 
ma to make their name for the horse. 




1. ComiciL — At the Annual Meeting held on the 22nd June 1892, 
the following members were elected office-bearers of the Society : — 

IST. J. Hanj?en, Esq., 

Joseph Edkins, D.D., 

J. Menoarini, Esq., 

Thos. Brown, Esq., 

M. P. A. Fraser, Esq , 

D. C. Jansen, Esq,, 

E. E. Brbdon, Esq., 

J. Ritter von Haas 

B. A. Jamieson, M.A., 

T. W. Kingsmill, Esq., 

G. M. H. Plavi^’air, Esq., 



lion. Secretary. 
„ Treasurer. 
„ Librarian. 
,, Curator. 


y Councillors, 

In the course of the year some changes had unavoidably to be 
made in the Council ; Mr. FRASEH^s depariure from Shanghai 
rendered necessary the appointment of someone in his place, and the 
Society was fortunate enough in securing Mr. von Haas’ services 
as Hon. Librarian. We had also the misfortune of losing the 
Hon. Secretary Mr. Menoarini, tramsferred to Foochow towards 
the end of 1891 ; his post was taken up by Mr. Z. Volpioelli, 
Dr. Jamieson, owing to pressure of other work, felt obliged to tender 
his resignation, and persisted in his resolution, to the universal regret 
of the Society. Dr. Faber was called to fill up the vacancy in the 

2. Members. — A considerable number of new members had been 
elected during the year and only a few resignations had taken place. 



3. Meetings . — In tlie course of tlie yearj^re Public Meetings were 
held, at which the following papers were read ; — 

A Comparatiye Table of the Ancient Lunar Asterisnis/’ by 
T. W. Kingsmill, Esc[. 

The Ancient Tombs and Burial Mounds of Japan,” by 
Prof. Hitchcock, 

“ A Journey to the Upper Waters of the Orkhon and the Ruins of 
Karakorum [from the Russian],” by M. F. A. Phaser, Esq. 

Wei-ch‘i,” by Z. Volpioelli, Esq. 

^‘The Militant Spirit of the Buddhist Clergy in China,” by 
Dr. DE Groot. 

4. Journal . — This consisted exclusively of one communication, 
from Dr. Bretschneider, the Botany of the Chinese Classics,” 
which had been considered of such interest and importance as to 
deserve to be printed by itself as a separate yolume. This departure 
from our usual custom of issuing several fascicules during the year 
had been rendered necessary by the extent and unity of the work, 
which did not admit of its being published in parts. 

5. Officers' Reports . — The Hon. Treasurer’s report is herewith 
published, and it will be seen that the finances of the Society are, 
as usual, in excellent condition. The Hon. Librarian adds to his 
report a list of publications we receive in exchange for the Journal. 
The Hon. Curator informs us that he has nothing of moment to 
report about the Museum. On this last point it may be of interest 
to many to know that the Society is going to enter into negotiations 
for securing an able scientific man to imdertake the duties of paid 
Curator of the Museum. 


Ron, Secretary, 




Hon. Treasorbii’s Ekport, 


In presenting my audited accounts for the year ending April SOtb, 
1892, it will be seen that the ordinary Income and Expenditure very 
nearly balance. The large item for Repairs to the Building ” has 
considerably reduced the balance brought forward from last account, 
but I consider our financial position to be very satisfactory, as there 
are still a number of subscriptions to come in, in addition to the 
proceeds of sales of the Journals made by the London agents. 


Hon, Treasurer, 

Shanghai, May lOtli, 1802. 




A, W, Danforth, 














Compared with Yoxtchers and found correct^ 

curatok’s report. 


Hon. Curator’s Report. 

Tlie Hon. Curator said he had no occasion to make a detailed 
Report, but stated it was absolutely necessary a paid Curator should 
be obtained to look after the Museum ; for this purpose the Council 
intended to enter into negotiations Tvith a Naturalist in South 



Hoist. Libearian*s Report. 


It is only since the latter part of the year xinder report that I 
have taken over charge of the Library of our Society, my predecessor 
Mr. M. F. A. Fraser, having then been transferred to Foochow, 

i beg to append a list of the contributions the Society received 
during 1891, Though many of these publications are for us of a less 
general use, the fact that we receive from different parts of the world 
donations shows, however, how much the working of our Society is 
there appreciated, as the donators always anticipate an exchange 
with our Journal. 

Among the prominent contributors to our Library, I liave much 
pleasure to mention the Administration of the Imperial Maritime 
Customs, and our Society may feel deeply grateful to this Authority 
for supplying us in the most liberal manner with a rich and valuable 

We keep a regular and fair exhange with our sister (Asiatic) 
Societies in Japan, Cochin China, Java, India, Ceylon, England, 
France and Germany. Geographical, anthropological and zoological 
Societies, on the other hand, are those who take in our publications a 
great interest. 

The list of private donations is unfortunately a short one. Few 
authors on Chinese subjects think of our Society, thoxxgh we possess 
a Library which may be considered as one of the richest in the East. 
Its easy access renders often to those authors valuable information. 
Yet a great many books were published in 1891 of whicli we do not 
possess a copy. Our funds are- too small to afford their purchase. 
Yet on the other hand the author must feel some satisfaction in 
knowing that his work is also represented in this Library. May 
these remarks be considered as an appeal to the different members of 
our Society who are writing on Chinese subjects that they furnish 

libraiuan's repobt. 


their share in the enlargement of the Library* I think one reason 
for this is that our Journal does not give a review or critique of recent 
publications. Perhaps the incoming Council may consider it worth 
while to deal with this suggestion. 

I am now working with the catalogising of our whole Library, 
whereby I keep strictly the arrangement made by Rev. Dr. Faber, 
one of our former Librarians. It is solely due to the hard work of 
this gentleman that the Library has been hitherto kept in such 
excellent order. The publication of a new catalogue will have to be 
taken into consideration during this year. 

The Rules for the issue of books from the ‘‘Library’’ require a 
revision ; a proposition to that effect will be submitted to the new 
Council. A sti-ict adherence to these Rules is a conditio sine qua non 
if our stock of works has to be maintained, 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 


Hon, Librarian, 



List of Works added to the Society’s Library 
during the Year 1891. 


CHIlf A. 

Shanghai : 

Imperial Maritime Customs, Statistical Department : 

Customs Gazette, No. Ixxxix, Januarj-Marcli 1891. 

„ xc, ApriWiine „ 

„ xci, July- September „ 

Betiirns of Trade and Trade Reports for the year 1890. Part II, 
Reports and Statistics for each Port. With the Reports and 
Statistics for Corea. J2nd/26th Issue. 

Do. do. do. In Chinese. 

Medical Reports, for the Half-year ended Jlst March 1889. 

(37th Issue) Special Series, No. 2. 

The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal : 

Vol. xxii, Nos. 5-12, May-Decemher 1891. 

Memoires concernant THistoire Naturelle de rEinpire Chinois. 
Par des Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus : 

Tome I. Premier cahier arcc 12 planches, 1880. 

Second „ „ 10 „ 1882. 

Troisieme „ „ 10 „ 1885. 

Tome IL Premier „ ,,21 „ 1888. 

„ I. Quatrieme et dernier cahier, (Planches xxxiii— 
xliii) 1890. 

Bulletin MensuelderOhservatoire Magnetique et Met&rologique 
de Zi-ka-wei, 1890 : 

1890 No. 192, August. 

„ „ 193, September, 

„ „ 194, October. 

,, „ 195, November. 

„ „ 196, December. 

ubearian’s eepoet. 



Saigon : 

Bulletin de la Societe des ^Jtiides Indo-Clnnoises de Saigon : 
Annee 1890, ler semestre, 3 fasc. Saigon, 1891. 

95 99 1 99 99 99 

99 99 99 ^ 99 99 99 


Calcutta : 

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal : 

Nos. 1-G, January” June 1891. 

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal: 

VoL Ik, part I, Nos. 3~.4:, 5, 1890. 

„ lix, „ II, „ 2, Supplement, 1890. 

„ lx, „ MI, „ 1, 1890. 

Records of the Geological Survey of India ; 

Vol. xxiv, parts 1-3, 1891. 

Contents and Index of the first twenty volumes of the Records 
of the Geological Survey of India, 1868-87. 

Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India : 

Vol. xxiii, 1890. 

,, xxiv, part I, 1891, 

Bombay : 

The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society : 
No. 58, Vol. xviii, Bombay, 1891. 


Colombo : 

Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 1888 : 

Vol. X, No. 37. 


ToJcio : 

Mittheilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft fur Natur-und Volker- 
kiindc Ostasiens : 

Vol. V, fasc. 46, 1891. 

R,omgji Zasshi (a Japanese Romanised Paper). Files. 




Toholiama : 

Transactions of the Asiatic Society of J apan : 

Vol. xix, part i, March 1891. 

The Japan Weekly Mail. Piles. 

The Japan Herald Mail Summary. Piles. 



Notulen yan de Algemeene en Bestuuro-Vergaderingen van het 
Batayiaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen : 

Vol. xxviii, fasc. 4, 1890. 

„ xxix, „ 1-2, 1891. 

Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten 
en Wetenschappen : 

Vol. xlyi, 1891. 

Tijdschrift yoor Indische Taal-Land~en Volkenkimde. (Pub- 
lished by the Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en 
Wetenschappen). Onder redactie Dr. J. Brandes and 
Mr. J. H. Abendaiion : 

Vol. xxxiy, Nos. 5-6, 1891. 

Nedeiiandsch-Indisch Plakaatbock. By Mr. J. A. van der 
Chijs ; 

Part yiii, 1765-1775. 

„ ix, Nieuwe Statuten van Batavia. Batavia, 1891. 

Dagh-Eegister, gehoudenint Castul Batavia : 

Anno 1668. By J. A. van der Chijs. Batavia, 1891. 



Wien : 

Mittheilungen der K. K. Geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien : 
Vol. xxxii, 1890. 

Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien : 
Vol xxi, fasc. 1-8, 1891. 

libkaeiah’s kbpoet. 


Sitzungsbericlite der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 
Philosophiscli-Historische Glasse ; 

Vol. cxix-cxxi, 1889-1890. 

Verhandlungen der K. K. Geologisclien Reicb-sanstalt : 

Nos. 1-13, 1891. 

Oestereicliisclie Monatsschrift fur den Orient : 

Siebzelmter Jabrgang. Nos. 1-5, 8-9, Jannary-May, 
August^SejDtember, 1891. 


Bulletin de la Societe Hongroise de Geographie : 

Yol. xix, fasc. 1-4, 1891. 


Brussels : 

Bulletin de la Societe Royal Beige de Geographic : 
15e Annee, Nos. 1-3, 1891. 


Havre : 

Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie Commerciale : 
January-February, May- August, 1891. 

Paris : 

Revue Mensuelle de TEcole d’ Anthropologic : 

Premiere Annee, Nos. 1-3, 9-10. January-March, 

September-October, 1801. 

Bulletin de la Societe de Geogra|)hie Commerciale : 

Tome xiii, No. 2, 1890-1891. 

Le Museum National de Rio de Janeiro et son Influence sur 
les Sciences Naturelles au Bresil. Par Ladislau Netto. 
Paris, 1889. 

Conchyliologie Fluviatile de la Province de Nanking. Par le 
R. P. Heude. 


Berlin : 

Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preussischen Akademie der Wis- 
senchaften zu Berlin : 

Yol. i-xl, 8 January-3 July 1891. 



Verhandhingen der Gesellscliaft fiir Erdkiinde zu Berlin : 

VoL xviii, Nos. 4-5, 1891. 

Zeitsclirift der Gesellscliaft fiir Erdknndo zu Berlin : 

Vol. xxvi, Nos. 2-3, 1801. 

Verliandlungen der Berliner Gesellscliaft fiir Aiitliropologie, 
Etlinologie tind Urgescliiclite. (Redigiiit von Riid. Yer- 
chow) : 

1890. Sitzung Yom 15 Novembcr-20 December. 

1891. Aiisserordcntliclie Sitzimg yon 10 Jamniiy. 

„ Sitziing yom 17 January. 

„ extra „ „ 14 February. 

)J ?? 5? 

„ „ j? 21 March. 

„ „ „ 18 April. 

Philosophische nnd Historisclie Abbandlnngen der K. K. der 
Wissensebaften zii Berlin 1891. One vol. 

Bremen : 

Deutsche Gcographischc Blatter, herausgegeben von der Gco- 
graphisclien Gesellscliaft in Bremen : 

Yol. xiv, No. 2-3, 1891. 

Leipzig : 

Die Sprachwissenschaft, ihre Aufgaben, methoden nnd Bisherigen 
Ergebnisse. Yon George yon der Gabelentz, 1891, 
Mittheilmigen des Yereins fiir Erkunde zu Leipzig, 1890. 
One yol. 

Zeitschrift der Dciitscheh Morgcnlandscben Gesellscliaft : 

Yol. xly. No. 1-2, 1891. 

Frankfurt aj Main : 

Jahresbericht des Frankfurter Yereins fiir Geographic imd 
Statistik : 

58 nnd 54 Jabrgang. 

Gotha : 

Dr. A. Petermann’s Mittlieilnngen : 

Yol. 37, Nos. 3-9, 10, 1891, 

librabian's report. 


Greifswald : 

lY. Jaliresbericlit der Geograpliiscben Gesellschaft z\i Greifswald, 
1889”90. Yon Prof. Pr. Bndolf Credner. Greifswald, 1891. 
Konigsherg : 

Sdiriften der Pliysikaliscli-Okonomisclieii GeselPdiaffc zii 
Ivoiiigsberg in Pr, 1890. One toL 
Braunschweig : 

J aliresbericlit des Y ereins fiir Natnrwissenscliaft zii Braimclisweig, 
1887-89. Braunschweig, 1891. 

Miinchen : 

^^itzangsberichte dor matliematisch-pliysikalischen Classe dor 
K. b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Miinchen : 

1888, Yol. xviii, fasc. 3 

1889, „ xix, „ 1-3. 

1890, ,, XX, ,, 1-4. 

Die grossen Monarcliien odor die Weltroiche in der Geschielite 
Yon Ferdinand Grcgoroviiis, 1890. 

Rerum cognosere causas. 1890. 

Gedaclitnisrede. 1889. 

Stuttgart : 

Das Ausiand Wochensclirift fiir Erd-und Yolkcrknndo FTeraus- 
geben von Karl yon den Steinen : 

No. 8, 1891. 


Dublin : 

The Scientific Proceedings of the Royal Dublin Society : 

YoL yi, part 10, December 1890. 

„ vii, ,, 1-2, Jan nary- February 1891. 

The Scientific Transactions of the Royal Dublin Society : 

Yol. iy, Nos. 6-8, 1890-91. 

Edinburgh : 

Proceedings of the Royal Physical Society : 

Session 1889-90. Yol. x, part 2. 

Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh : 

Yol. XYii, 1889-90. 



London : 

Journal of the Royal Statistical Society ; 

YoL liii, part iv, December 1890. 

„ Uyj „ i-ii, March- June 1891. 

Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly 
Record of Geography : 

YoL xiii, Nos. 2-9, February- September 1891. 

The Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society : 

YoL xlvii, Parts 2-4, Nos. 186-188, May-November 1891. 
The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain 
and Ireland: 

YoL XX, No. 4, May 1891. 

A Catalogue of Maps, Plans, etc. of India and Burma and other 
Parts of Asia. London, 1891. 

Transactions of the Zoological Society of London : 

Vol. xiii, parts 1-3, January-0 ctober 1891. 

Proceedings of the Scientific Meetings of the Zoological Society 
of London : 

Part ir, 1890. 

„ i-ii, 1891. 

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology : 

Yol xiii, Nos. 3-t5, 7, 1891, 

Proceedings of the Royal Society : 

Yol. xlix, Nos. 299-801, 1891. 

„ 1, » 300 

London and China Express. Piles. 

Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London : 

Parts 1-3, January-June 1891. 


Naples : 

Bolletina de la Societa Africana de Italia : 

Anno X, fasc. 1-4, 1891. 

Turin : 

Cosmos ; YoL x, fasc. 7-8, 1889-91. 



Rome : 

Atti de la Reale Accademia dei Lincei : 

Semestre VoL vii, fasc. 8-12, 1891. 


" J> » V JJ 7? 


S^Gravenhage : 

Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land-en Volkenlainde van Netherlandsch- 
Indie : 

YoL vi, fasc. 2-4, 1891. 


Moscow : 

Bulletin de la Societe Imperiale des Naturalistes de Moscow : 

1890, Nos. 8-4. 

1891, „ 1. 

St. Peterslurg : 

Journal of I. R. Geographical Society ; 

Yol. xxvi, fasc. 5, 1890. 

„ xxvii, „ 1-8, 1891. 


Stochliolm : 

Ymer Tidskrift. Published by the Svenska Sollskpet for An- 
tropologi och Geografi : 

Fasc. 6, 1889. 

1-4, 1890. 



Cairo : 

Bulletin de la Societe Khediviale de Geographic : 
3® Serie, No. 6, 1891. 





Toronto : 

Transactions of the Canadian Institute : 

Vol, i, Part i, ISTo. 1, October 1890. 


Mexico : 

Memorias cle la Sociedad Cientifica Antonio Alzate ” : 

Vol. iv, fasc. 5-10, 1891. 

Ministerio de Foniento, 1889. 

Estados XJnidos Mexicanos : 

Scccion 4, Nos. 67-70, 1891. 


Boston : 

Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1890; 
Vol, xxi, 

Cambridge : 

Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Havard 
College : 

Vol. xvi, No. 10, September 1891. 

„ XX, „ 8, January „ 

„ xxi, „ 1-5, April-Jime 1891. 

New York : 

Bulletin of the American Geographical Society : 

Vol. xxi, Supplement, 1889. 

„ xxii, No. 2, June 1891, 

„ „ Supplement, 1890. 

The Journal of the Comparative Medicine and Veterinary 
Archives : 

Vol. xii, Nos. 3-6, March- June 1891. 

The Thirty-second Annual lieport of the Trustees of the Cooper 
Union for the Advancement of Science and Art : 

May 29th, 1891. 



Philadelj)hia : 

Report of the Proceedings of the Numismatic and Antiq[uarian 
Society of Philadelphia for the year 1887-89. Philadelphia, 

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society held at 
Philadelphia for promoting Useful Knowledge : 

Vol. xx?iii, No. 134. 

Sacramento : 

California State Mining Bureau. 10th Annual Report of the 
State Mineralogist for the year ending December 1st, 1890. 

Washington : 

U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey : 

Bulletin, No. 19, on the Sounds and Estuaries of Georgia, 
with reference to Oyster Culture, 1891. 

Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian 
Institution. To July 1888-89. 

Report of the Secretary of Agriculture. 1890. 

Report of the United States National Museum for the year 
ending June 30, 1888. 

Report of the Superintendent of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic 
Survey showing the progress of the work during the fiscal 
year ended with June 1889. 

Part 1, Text. 

„ 2, Sketches. 

Bulletin of the United States Geological Survey : 

Nos. 58-61, 64-66, 1890. 

Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections : The Toner Lectures. 
A Clinical Study of Skull. By Harrison Allen. May 29th, 

The Correction of Sextants for Errors of Eccentricity and Gradua- 
tion. By J, A. Rogers. 1890. 

Index of the Literature of Thermodynamics. By Alfred 
Tuckerman, 1890. 

Chicago : 

The Thirty-third Annual Report of the Trade and Commerce of 
Chicago for the year ending December 31st, 1890. 




San Francisco : 

Transactions and Proceedings of the Geographical Society, 
Pacific, July 1891. 

Lincoln^ NebrasTca : 

University of Nebraska. Fourth Annual Eeport of the Agri- 
cultural Experiment Station of Nebraska. 1891. 



Brisbane : 

Proceedings and Transactions of the Queensland Branch of the 
Eoyal Geographical Society of Australasia : 

Vol. Yi, parts 1-2, 1890-91. 

Miscellaneous Works. 

1. — The Shi-king, the old “Poetry Classic” of the Chinese. A 

Close Metrical Translation, with Annotations. By William 
Jennings, M.A. London, 1891. 

2. — Pen Thsao Kang Mou. HistoireNaturelle. 9vols. (In Chinese, 

bound in foreign style.) 

3. — Kin Ting Sz Ku Tsuen Shu Tsxing Mu 

Catalogue of Books. 22 vols. (In Chinese, bound in 
foreign style.) Presented. 

4. — Praktische Anleitung sur Erlernung der Hoch-Cliinesischen 

Sprache. Von P. G. Ton Mollendorff. Shanghai, 1891. 

5. — A Manual of Therapeutics and Pharmacy in the Chinese 

Language, being in the main a Translation of Squire’s “Com- 
panion of the British Pharmacopoeia,” with additions from the 
United States, Indian and Chinese Pharmacopoeias, and from 
other Sources. By Eev. S. A. Himter, with a Preface by 
H.E. Li Hung Chang. Shanghai, 1890. Presented. 



6. — A Grammar of the Arabic Language. By E. H. Palmer. 

London, 1874. Presented. 

7. — A Practical Method with the Burmese Language, By 

W. H, Sloan, M.A, Eangoon, 1876. Presented. 

8. — Grammaire de la Language Annamite. Par G. Aubaret, 

Paris, 1864. Presented. 

9. — A Comparative Grammar of the Sanskrit, Zend Greek, Latin, 

Lithuanian, Gothic, German, and Sclavonic Languages. By 
Prof. F. Bopp. Translated from the German by Edward B. 
Eastwick. London, 1862. Vols. 1-3, 8 vols. Presented. 

10. — Wilhelm Gesenius’ Hebraische Grammatik. Vollig Um- 

gearbeitet und Herausgegeben von E, Kautzsch. Leipzig, 
1885. Presented. 

11. — Praktisk Larobok. Finska Spraket of Paavo Salonius Abo, 

1885. Presented. 

12. — Sanskrit Grammatik. Von H. C, Kellner. Presented. 

18. — Illustrirte Geschichte der Schrift. Von Karl Faulmann, 
Leipzig, 1880. Presented. 

14. — -Le Livre de Marco Polo, Citoyen de Venise, Conseiller Prive 

et Commissaire Imperial de Khoublai-Khaan. Par M. G. 
Pauthier. Purchased. 

15. — L’Empire Chinois. Illustre d’apres des dessins pris sur les 

lieux par Thomas Alloni. Avec les descriptions des 
Mceurs, des Coutumes, de 1’ Architecture, de ITndustrie, etc. 
du peuple Chinois depuis les Temps les Plus Eecules. Par 
Clement Pelle. 4 tomes. 2 vols. Purchased. 

16. _A Catalogue of Blue and White Kankin Porcelain forming the 

Collection of Sir Henry Thompson, illustrated by the 
Autotype Process from drawings by James Whistler, Esq. 
and Sir Henry Thompson. London, 1878. Purchased. 

17 . — Catalogue of a Collection of Oriental Porcelain and Pottery lent 

for exhibition by A. W. Franks. London, 1878. Purchased. 

18. — Catalogue of a Collection of Oriental Porcelain and Pottery 

(Chinese, Japanese and Siamese). By A. W. Franks, 
London, 1876. Purchased, 



19. — Annales du Mus^e Guiment. Tome Oiiziome. Los Fetes 

amiuellement celebrees a Emoiii (Amoy). Etude coucemant 
la Keligion Populaire des Cliinois. Par J. J. M. de Groot. 
Paris, 1886. Purcliased, 

20. — Die Welt in Ihren Spiegelungen unter dem Wandel des 

Volkergedankens. Von Adolf Bastian. Berlin, 1887. 

21. —- Notiz fiber das Gescliichtswerk Tso-tscluien. Von Dr. August 

Pfizmaier, Purchased, 

22. — Das Nord und Ostliche Theil you Europa und Asia. Von Ph. 

J, Yon Strahlenberg. Purcliased. 

23. — Japan : Its Architecture, Art, and Art Manufactures. By 

Christopher Dresser. London, 1882, Purchased. 

24. — Keramic Art of Japan. By Geoge A. Audsley and James L. 

Bowes. London, 1881. Purchased. 

25. — Descriptive and Historical Catalogue of a Collection of Japanese 

and Chinese Paintings in the British Museum. By 
William Anderson. London, 188G. Purchased. 

26. — L’Art Japonais. Par Louis Gonse, 2 yoIs, Paris, 1883. 


27. — Encyclopediedes arts decoratifs do TOrient. Eecueil de dessins 

pour Tart et Tindustrie. 6 series. Avec 250 planches en 
chromolithogr. rehaussees d*or et d’argent. By Collinot, 
E. et A, de Beaumont, Paris, 1880-1888. Purchased, 


1892 - 93 . 

- ^ 

President : N, J, Hannbn. 

{ P. G. VON Mollendorff. 
Eev. Joseph Edkins, D.D, 

Bon, Secretary : Z. Volpicelli, 

Bon, Treasurer : Thomas Brown. 

Bo7i, Librarian : J. Ritter von Haas. 

Bon, Curator of Museum : D. C. Jansen. 

“ Otto Franke, Ph.D. 

John Macgregor. 

Councillors : 

T. W. Kingsmill. 
.James Scott. 


( Corrected to October Blst^ 1808.) 

Members are particularly requested to notify tbe Hon. 
Secretary of any change of address or other necessary 
correction to be made in this List. 

t Indicates a Member who has contributed to the Society's Journal. 

§ „ Life Member of the Society. 



1 Year of 


Honorary Protector. 

His Majesty Leopold II, King of ilie Belgians. 

Honorary Members. 

Alcock, Sir Eutherford, k.C.b,, 

Athenmum Club, Pall Mall, London, 




Hart, Sir Eobert, Bart,, ll.d. ... 

Inspectorate - General of Customs, 



Hughes, P, J., M.A 

C/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking 


Corporation, London 

Legge, Prof, James, d.d. 

University of Oxford 


Eiohthofen, Freiherr F. von ... 



^ Wade, Sir Thomas F,, G.C.B., M.A. 

6, Salisbury Villas, Cambridge ... 


Zottoli, Pbre Angelo 


Jesuit Mission, Sicawei, Shanghai... 






Year of 

Corresponding MemlDers. 

fBastian, Dr. Adolph... 

Ethnological Museum, Berlin 


fBretsolineider, E., m.d. 

Moika, 64, St. Petersburg 


Cordier, Henri 

3, Place Yintimille, Paris 


Edldns, Bev. Joseph, n.D. ... 

Custom House, Shanghai 


f Fritsche, H., PH.D 

C/o Russian Legation, Peking 


•f Fryer, John 

Kiangnan Arsenal, Shanghai 


fGabelentz, Prof. Georg von der 



fGiles, Herbert A 

O/o British Consulate-General, S’hai. 


Happer, Kev. A. P., d.d. 

Canton ... 


Hepburn, J. 0., LL.D. 

Arthur House, Pasadena, California. 


fjohn, Eev. Griffith, d.d. 


^ 1864 

Keisohke, Ito, m.d 

Tokxo, Japan 


Kreitner, G. Ritter von 

Yokohama, Japan 

^ 1880 

fLindau, Rudolph, ph.d. 

C/o Auswartiges Amt, Berlin 

I 1864 


Lockhart, Wm., P.R.C.S. 

67, Granville Park, Blackheath, 
London, S.B. 

1 1864 

f Martin, Rev. W. A. P., D.D. ... 

O/o T'ung-w6n Kuan, Peking 


fMcCartee, D. B,, m.d. 

C/o Hr. Ellinwood, 2.3, Centre Street, 
New York, U.S.A. 


fMoule, Right Rev. Bishop, d.d. 



fMuirhead. Rev. W, 

London Mission, Shanghai 


Rondot, Natalis 

Rue Saint- Joseph, 20, Lyons 


Soheresehewsky, Right Rev. 
Bishop, D.D. j 

23, Bible House, New York, U.S.A... 


Bz6oh6nyi, Count B^la ... 

Zinkendorf, Hungary 






Year of 

Ordinary IMembers, 

Aalsfc, Jules A. van 

Aoheson, James 
Adams, Rev, J, S. 

tAlleu, H. J, 
Andersen, N. P. 
f Anderson, G. C. 

Anding, W. 

Andrew, W. M. 

Inspectorate - General of Customs, 

Custom House, Shanghai 

Am. Bap. Miss. Union, Kin-hwa-fu, 
ma Ningpo 

10, Norton, Tenby, Pembrokeshire... 
Custom House, Shanghai 
C/o Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., 

C/o Mr. W. Rosenthal, Unterstrasse, 
85, Eisenach, Germany 
Custom House, Shanghai 









§BalI, J. Dyer 

Baux, G, 

Beauvais, M. J, 

Beck, H 

Beebe, R. 0., M.D 

Bethge, 0 

Bock, Carl 

Bottu, A 

Bourne, F. S. A 

Bradlee, Rev. Caleb D.,d.d.... 

Brand, W 

§Bredon, M. Boyd, B.A. 

Bredon, Robt. E., m.a. 

Bright, Wm. 

Bristow, H. B 

Erowett, Harold 

§ Brown, J. MoLeavy, ll.b. ... 
Brown, Thos 

Brown, W. P 

Buchanan, J 

fBushell, S. \V., M.D 

Butler, Count A. von 

Butler, P. E, O’B 

Supreme Court, Hongkong 

20, Place Denfert-Roohereau, Paris... 
French Consulate, Lungchow 
23, Szechuen Road, Shanghai 

Casa Valentino Molo, Bellinzona, 

C/o Consulate-General for Sweden 
and Norway, Shanghai 
Manicipalit6 Fran^aise, Shanghai ... 

British Consulate, Amoy 

57, West Brookline Street, Boston, 
Mass., U.S.A. 

Messrs. Brand Bros. & Co., Shanghai 
C/o Custom House, Shanghai 
Inspectorate - General of Customs, 

Inspectorate - General of Customs, 

British Consulate, Chefoo 

13, Yuen-ming-yuen Road, Shanghai 
Custom House, Seoul, Corea 
Messrs. Kelly and Walsh, Limited, 

Inspectorate - General of Customs, 

Messrs, J. P. Bisset & Co., Shanghai. 

British Legation, Peking 

Tamsui, Formosa 

C/o British Consulate-General, S’hai. 























lilsf OS' MEMBBUS, 




Tear of 

§Calder, J 

Port Arthur, North China 


Camera, L 

C/o Messrs. Lintilhao & Co., Shanghai 


Campbell, 0. W 

British Consulate - General, Seoul, 


fOarles, W. K 

British Consulate, Chinkiang 


Cavrall, James W., F.G-.S. ... 

Custom House, Chefoo 


Chalmers, James L 

C/o Custom House, Canton 


§CbaYanne8, Prof. Edouard ... 

College de France, 32, Quai de 
BSthune, Paris 


Cooker, T ' ... 

Custom Plouse, Shanghai 


Collyer, Clias. T. 

British and Foreign Bible Society, 


Cordes, Aug. 0. 

Messrs. A. Cordes & Co., Tientsin ... 
4.5, Queen's Road, Hongkong 


Coughtrie, J. B, 


Creagli, B. Fitzgerald 

Custom House, Hankow 


Danfortli, A. W. 

Cotton Mill Co., Shanghai 


Be Oroot, Dr. J. J. M. 

407, Marnixstraat, Amsterdam 

3 887 

Beighton-Brayslier, 0. 

Custom House, Kiukiang 


Dennys, H. L. 

Secretary’s Office, City Hall, Hong- 


D mitre vsky, P. A 

Russian Legation, Seoul 


Dodd, John 

C/o Messrs. Dodd & Co., Tamsui ... 


Donovan, J. P. 

G/o Custom House, Shanghai 


Dowdall, Glias. 

21, Foochow Road, Shanghai 


§tDrew, E. B 

Custom Housed, Canton 


Diilberg, F. W. E 

Custom House, Keelung 


Duncan, Chesney 

C/o Hongkong TeUgrapli Office, 


Blwin, Eev. Arthur 

ChurchMissionary Society,Haugchow 


fFaber Rev, F4rnst, dr. theol. 

18, Nanking Road, Shanghai 


Farag6, Edm 

Custom House, Foochow 


Francis, R 

Franke, Otto, ph.d 

10, Peking Road, Shanghai 


German Gon.sulate- General, Shanghai 


Fraser, M. F. A. 

C/o British Consulate-General, S’hai. 


Frater, Alex. ... 

C/o H.M. Consulate-General. S'hai... 


Fulford, H. E 

C/o British Consulate - General, 


Gabriel, Hermann, DR. JUR..,. 

C/o German Consulate, Batavia 


f Gardner, C. T 

British Consulate, Hankow 


Gatti, Carlo ... 

C/o Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., 


Gedrath, 0 

20, Szechuen Road, Shanghai 


GMsi, E. 

2, Hongkong Hoad, Shanghai 


Goebel, Max 

Belgian Consulate-General, Shanghai 


Gratton, B\ M., a.r.i.b.a. 

17, The Bund, Shanghai 


Giinzburg, Baron G. de 


Bubbling Well Road, Shanghai 






Year of 

fHaaSj J. Ritter von 

*■. ’ * ■ Consulate, S’hai . 


§Hall. X 0., M,A 

. Nagasaki, Jiipan . 


f Hallifax, T. E 

Matsuiuoto, Nagano Ken, Japan 


Hanbury, T 

C/o Messrs. Ivcson & Co., Shanghai. 


Hannen, N. J 



fHapper, Andrew P., Jr. 

C/o Rev. ■ ■ . . 

Allegheny County, Penn., U.S.A. 


Harding*, J. R. 

Custom House, Amoy 


§Hart, J. H 

C/o Custom House, Shnnghai 


Hart, Rev. V. 0., m.a. 

2, Whang {)00 Road, Shanghai 


Henderson, D. M., m.i.c.e. ... 

Custom House, Shanghai 


Henderson, E., M.D 

Szeohuoii Road, Shanghai 

Custom House, Takow 


fHenry, A., M.A. 


Hey, E. 

8, Foochow ru>ad, Shanghai 

Custom House, Lappa 


Hippisley, A. E 


fHirth, P., PH.D 

Custom House, Chinldang 


fplobson, H. E. 

Custom House, Kowloon 


Hodges, Rev. H, 0., M.A. 

The Deanery, Shanghai 


Hoetink, B 



fHosie, Alex., m.a 

British Consulate, Wenchow 


Hunter, Rev. E. A., M.A., M.D,, 

Morgan Town, West Virginia, Va., 


flmbault-Huart, 0. 

French Consulate, Canton ... 


Jack, J. B. ... 

Custom House, Hankow 


t Jamieson, G 

H.R.M.’s Supreme Court, Shanghai . 


Jamieson, J. W. 

British Consulate-General, Shanghai, 


f Jamieson, R. A., M.A. 

40, Szechuen Road, Shanghai 


Jansen, D. C 

Astor House, Shanghai 


Jeffrey, Sydney 



Kenmure, Alexander 

American Bible Society, Shanghai ... 


Keswick, J. J 

O/o Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., 


King, Paul H. 

C/o Custom House, Shanghai 


tKingsinill, Tlioa, W 

Specimen Road, Shanghai 


Kleinwachter, F 

Lutherstr., Berlin 


Kliene, R 

tKopsoh, H 

United States Consulate, Ningpo ... 


InspcctoratcGeneral of Customs, Shai. 


Lemke. F 

Messrs. IMeyer, Lemke k Co,, S’hai . 


Lena, Ph., pk.d. 

German Consulate, Chefoo 

Custom House, Shanghai 


LSpissier, E 


Lieder, Ph 

Messrs. Mandl k Co., Shanghai 


fLittle, Archibald J 

C/o R. W. Little, Esq., Korth CMm 
Ilemld Cilice, Slninghai 


Kittle, L, S., B.A 

1, Hongkong Road, Shanghai 


Little, Bobt. W 

North Olivia Herald Office, S’hqd ••• 


Lockhart, J. H. Stewart 







Year of 

Low, E. G- 

O/o Messrs. Fearon, Low & Co,, S’hai 


Lyall, Leonard 

C/o Custom House, Shanghai 


Maogregor, John 

Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., 


Mackey, Jas 

38, Yama, Kobe, Japan 


Maclellan, J. W. 

13, Pilrig Street, Edinburgh 


Major, B. 

14, Hankow Road, Shanghai 


Martinoff, Gr 



Marzal, Y. de Faria J. de 
McDougal, H., M.B. 

Spanish Legation, Peking ... 




McIntosh, G 

Amer. Presb. Mission Press, S’hai ... 


Mencarini, J 

Custom House, Foochow 


Merz, 0., ph.d 

G(U’man Consulate, Takow, Formosa. 


Mesny, Gen. W. 



Milles, W, J., 

8, Shantung Road, Shanghai 


Milles, Gapt, D. A., e.b, 

Bude, Cornwall 


f MdlleiidorfE, 0. F. von, PH.B. 

C/o Mr. P. G. von Mdllendorff, 
Inspectorate-General of Customs, 


fMollendorff, P. G. von 

Inspectorate-General of Customs, 


f Morrison, G. J., m.i.C.e. 

Messrs. Morrison & Gratton, Shanghai. 


Morse, H. B 

Custom House, Tamsni 


Morsel, F. H 

Jenchuan, Corea 


Miiller-Beeck, Geo 

O/o German Consulate - General, 
Yokohama, Japan 


Murray, B. S 

British and Foreign Bible Society, 


Navarra, B, R. A 

C/o North China JSerald Office, 


■f Nocentini, L 

Via del Proconsolo, 21; Firenze, Italy 


Novion, A 

Custom House, Wenchow ... 


Nully, R, de 

Custom House, Chiukiang 


O’Brien-Butler, P.B 

C/o H. B. M. Consulate - General, 


§ Ohlmer, B 

Inspectorate - General of Customs, 



Ottomeier, P. A. W 


Oxenham, E. L. 

42, Addison Road, London, W. 


Palamountain, B 

Inspectorate - General of Customs, 


t Parker, B. H 

C/o ■ ■ ■ .. ■' -'‘j-.Bhirma 


Parkinson, F. B., A.B.S.M. 



Patersson, J. *W. 

Perkins, H. M., d.d.s 

Custom House, Hankow 


1, Kinkiang Road, Shanghai 






Year of 

Peterson, Denton E., d.d.s, ... 

9, Connaught House, Queen’s Road 


t Phillips, Geo 

C/o British Consulate General, S’hai. 


Pichon, L., M.D. 

Faubourg St. Honore, 16C, Paris ... 


Pir)’’, Th^ophile 

C/o Custom House, Shanghai 


Plancy, V. Collin de 

French Legation, Tokio 


§ Playfair, G. M. H. 

O/o British Consulate- General, S’hai. 
xMessrs. Boyd & Co., Shanghai 


Prentice, John 


Price, G. U 

Messrs. Tait & Co., Amoy 


Rathsam, Th. 

German Consulate, Canton 


Kayner, Charles 

Messrs. Carlowitz & Co., Tientsin ... 


Reinsdorff, P 

German Consulate, Seoul, Corea ... 


R6musat, J. L, ... 

Custom House, Tamsui 


Binkel, Ferd 

C/o Deutsch-Asiatische Bank, S’hai. 


Robinson, Prof. Henry H., B.A. 

W ... 


Rocher, Emile ... 

§Rocher, Louis 

, . ■ ■ . ■ , Seoul, Corea 


Custom House, Canton 


Rockhill, W. W. 

No. 1G20, 19th St, Washington, D.O. 


Rosthorn, A, Edler von 
Ruhstrat, Ernst 

G/o Custom House, Shanghai 


Custom Plouse, Chinldang 


Sampson, Theo. 

12, Madeira Road, Streatham, Lon- 
don, S.W. 


Samson, J. 

C/o Messrs. Reid, Evans &; Co., 


Schjdth, Fr 

Custom House, Ichang 


Sohmacker, B 

Messrs. Carlowitz & Co., Shanghai ... 


Schmidt, K 

Messrs. Carlo witz & Co.. Shanghai... 


Scott, James 

British Consulate-General, Shanghai 


Seckendorff, Baron Edm, von . 

German Consulate, Tientsin 


Sheveleff, M. G. 



Snethlage. H 



Southey, T. S 

Custom House, Amoy 


Spinney, W. F 

C/o Custom House, Shanghai 


Startseff, A, D 

1 Messrs. Tokmakoff, Molotkoff &: Co., 


Streich, K. I 

Stripling, A. B 

German Consulate, Swatow 


C/o British Consulate, Jenchuan, 


Styan, F. W 

C/o The P. & 0. S. N. Co., Shanghai. 


Sutherland, H 

G/o Messrs. Fairhurst, Sutherland & 
Co., Foochow 


Tanner, Paul von 
tTaylor, 0. H. B 

Custom House, Shanghai 


Custom House, Tientsin 


Taylor, P, E 

Custom Housei Kowloop 






Year of 

Taylor, Geo 

Custom House, Shanghai 


Timm, J. 

Great Northern Telegraph Co., S’hai 


Ting I-hsien 

Inspectorate - General of Customs, 


Underwood, G. R., m.b. 



Valdez, J. M. T 

Portuguese Consulate- General S’hai . 


Vissi^re, A 

Ohacs: Monsieur Mancini, 1, Rue de 
Caumont, Caen, Prance 


Voelkel, S 

Pharmacie de PUnion, Shanghai ... 


tVolpicelli, Z. H 

Custom House, Shanghai 


Vosy-Bourbon, H 

C/o Messrs. L. Grenard & Co., STiai. 


§VomlIemont, E. G. 

Comptoir National d’Escompte de 
Paris, Shanghai 


Wade, H. T 

Shanghai Club 


WaBhbrook, W. A 

Custom House, Chinldang ... 


Watters, T,, M.A. 

British Consulate, Canton 


Wenyon, Rev. Charles 

Fatshan, Canton 


Wilcox, R. 0. 

Dailij JPress Office, Hongkong 


Wilkinson. W. H 

British Consulate, Swatow 


f Williams, Rev. E. T 

192, B. Long St., Columbus, Ohio, 


Wogaok, Col 

Russian Consulate, Tientsin 


Wood, A. G. ... 

Messrs. Gibb, Livingston <k Co., 


Zedelius, 0., m.b 

18, Kiangse Road, Shanghai 


Zooyef, Dr. ... 

C/o Russian Consulate, Shanghai ... 



1853, TO THE END OF 1893. 

(CompUed ly JOSEPH HAAS, Eon. LUrarian). 


Old Series. 

1. — Journal of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society, 
No. I, June 1868. Pp. 114. With a Map, Plate and 
232 Illustrations of Chinese Coins. 


Art, I. — Inaugural Address, by Bev, K. C. Bridgmam, D.D., the 

President of the Society. Delivered October Kith, 1857 ... 1 

Art. II. — On Cyclones, or the Law of Storms. A Paper by Sir F. W. 

Nicolson, Bart., Captain of H.M.S. Head October 

16th, 1857 ^ ... 17 

Art, HI. — Coins of the Ta-Ts‘ing or Present Dynasty of China. 

By A. Wylie. Laid before the Society, November 17th, 

1857 44 

Art. IV. — Contribution to the nC'.Tirb'..:y i-’! Eastern Asia. By D. J. 

MACGOWAN, M.D. No-. (.-n 17th, 1857 103 

Art. V. — A Buddhist Shastra, translated from the Chinese ; with an 
Analysis and Notes. By the Kev. J. Edkins, B.A. Bead 
November 17th, 1867 107 

Art. VI. — ^Visit to Simoda and Hakodadi in Japan. Extracted, by 
permission, from a letter from Capt, A. H. Foote, IJ.S. Ship 
^^Fortsmouth,'' dated September 16th, 1867. Bead before 
the Society, December 16th, 1857 ... ... 129 

Art. VII, — Beoord of Ocourrences in China. Prepared by the Editorial 

Committee, June 1st, 1868 ... 138 

2. — Jonrnal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, No. II, May 1859. Pp. 145 to 256. With 
6 Plates. 


Art, I— Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa. By Bobert 

Swii^HOE, of H.B.M. Consulate, Amoy, Bead before the 
Society, July 20th, 185$ ... 146 



Art. II. — Kotices of the Character and Writings of Meh Tsi. By the 
Eev. Joseph Edkins, B.A. Read before the Society, 
January 19th, 1868 — 165 

Art. III. — Chinese Bibliography. By D. J. Macoowan, M.D., Ningpo. 

Letter to the Secretary, read before the Society, March 
16th, 1858 170 

Art. ly. — On the Musical Kotation of the Chinese. By the Rey. E. W. 

Syle, A.M. Read before the Society, February 16th, 1858 176 

Art. y. — Lecture on Japan. By S. W. Williams, Ll.D., U.S.A. Sec, 

of Legation, etc. etc. Delivered Tuesday evening, October 
26th, 1858 180 

Art, yi. — On the Study of the Natural Science in Japan. By Thb. 

J. L. C, POMPE VAN Meerdeevookt, M.D. Read before 
the Society, December 23rd, 1858 .211 

Art. yil. — Memorandum on the present State of some of the Magnetic 
Elements in China and Places adjacent. By Gapt. C. F. A. 
Shadwell, C.B., H.M.S. iriglifiyerP Read before the 
Society, January ISth, 1859 222 

Art. yill. — Notes on some new Species of Birds found on the Island 
of Formosa. By R, Swinhob. (Suplementary to Art. I., 
page 145) 225 

Art. IX.— Sailing Directions for the Yang-tsze Kiang, from Woosung 
to Hankow. By Captain John Ward, R.N., H.M.S. 


Art. X. — Thermometrical Observations, taken during a passage from 

N-, - «’■' hai. By Capt, J. Fedorovitch of the 

\ Strelohy Communicated by H.LM. 
Consul-General M.‘0. DE Montig-ny 247 

Art. XI. — Record of Occurences in China. Prepared by the Editorial 

Committee, Ajml 20th, 1859 248 

3. — Journal of tlie North-China Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic 
Society, No. Ill, December 1859. Pp. 257 to 368. 


Art. I. — Sketches of the Miau-tsze. Translated for the Society, by 

Rev. E. 0. Bridgman, D.D, Notes by the Translator ... 257 

Art. IL— The Small Chinese Lark. By Robert Swinhoe, H.B.M. 

Consulate, Amoy. Read before the Society, July 19th, 

1859 287 

Art. III. — On the Banishment of Criminals in China. By D, J. 

Macgowan, M.D. Read before the Society, September 
21st, 1868 293 

Art. ly.— Cotton in China. By D. B. Robertson, H.B.M. Consul 

at Shanghai. Read before the Society, July 19th, 1859 ... 302 



Art. y.— A Sketch of the Tauist Mythologjr in its modern form. By 

the Eev. Joseph Edkins. Eead before the Society, May 
17th, 1859 ... ... ... 309 

Art. YI. — Narrative of the American Embassy to Peking. By S. Wells 
Williams, Ll.D. Read before the Society, October 25th, 

1859 815 

Art. YII, — Meteorological Tables, from Observations in Japan ... ... 350 

Art. YIII. — Record of Occurrences, Prepared by the Editorial Committee, 

December 1st, 1859 853 

4. — Journal of tlie JSForfcli-Clima Brandi of tlio Royal Asiatic 
Society, VoL II, Ro. 1, September 1860 (only No. 1 
published). Pp. 128. 


Art. I,— A Sketch of the Life of Confucius. By the Rev. Joseph 

Ehkins 1 

Art. II. — The Ethics of the Chinese with special reference to the 

Doctrines of Human Nature and Sin. By the Rev. Griffith 
J oHH. Read before the Society, November 15th, 1869 ... 20 

Art. III. — On the Cosmical Phenomena observed in the Neiglibourhood 
of Shanghai, during the past thirteen centuries. By D. J. 
Macgowan, M.D. Read before the Society, December 23rd, 

1868 46 

Art. lY. — On the Ancient Mouths of the YangtsI Kiang. By the Rev. 

J. Edkins. Road before the Society, March 18th, iSGO ... 77 

Art. Y. — Dissection of a Japanese Criminal. By Dr. J. L. 0, Pompe 

VAX Meerdervoort. Head before the Society, December 
27th, 1869 85 

Art. VI — Notes on the Mineral Resources in Japan, etc. By Wm. H. 

Shook, Chief Engineer in the D.S. Navy. Read before 
the Society, September i2th, 1858 92 

Art. YIT.- • ■"-■! — -randam on the present state of the 

ill China and places adjacent, being 
observations made during the year 1859, By Capt. 
SHADWELL, R.N., C.B., late of II.M.S. " Illghjlyer''' ... 95 

Art. YIII. — Temperature of Hakocladi, from observations taken at the 
English Consulate, from October 1868 to September 1869. 
Communicated by Charles 1'. A. Courtney, Surgeon ... 9G 

Art. IX. — ^Wiucls and Weather at Chefoo, during seven months of the 

year 1859 97 

Art. X. — Record of Occurrences. By the Editorial Committee, August 

13 th, 1860 ... 106 



5. — Journal of tlie North-China Branch of the Koyal Asiatic 
Society, No. I, December 1864. Pp. ix, 129 to 174, 
and 148. With Map. 


Art. I. — Notes on the City of Yedo, the Capital of Japan. By 

Eudolph Lindatj 129 

Art. II. — Notes on some of the Physical Causes which modify climate. 

By James Hendeksox, M.D. Bead before the Society, 

21st May, 1861 112 

Art. III. — Narrative of an Overland Trip, through Hunan, from Canton 
to Hankow. By Dr. W. Dickson, Bead before the Society, 

20th August, 1861 159 

Art. IV. — The Overland Journey from St. Petersburg to Pekin. By 

A. Wylie 1 

Art. V. — The Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese. By 

James Henderson, M.D., F.B.O.S.E. 21 

Art. VI. — The Sea-Board of Bussian Manchuria. By J. M. Canny, Esq. 

Bead before the Society on September 6th and November 
29th, 1864: 70 

Art. VII. — Betrospect of Events in the North of China during the years 

1861 to 1864. By B. A. JAMIESON 109 

Miscellaneous : — 

I.—Bemarks on some impressions from a Lapidary Inscription 
at Keu-yung-kwan, on the Great Wall near Peking. By 
A. Wylie 138 

II. — Extracts from a Beport upon the present condition of the 
Sea-wall at the Head of Hang-chow Bay. By Major 
Edwards, E.E 136 

III, — Beport on the appearance of the Bugged Islands. By 

Edward Wilds, Master commanding H.M.’s Surveying 
Ship “ ” ... 139 

IV. — Barometric and Therraometrio Observations taken during the 

month of September 1864, with a view to determining the 
height of the Lew Shan. By Messrs. Hollingworth 
and PiRY, of H.I.M.’s Customs, Kiukiang 143 

V.— Specimen of a new Pont of Chinese Movable Type belonging 
to the Printing Office of the American Presbyterian Press. 

By William Gamble ... ...145 

6. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, No. 11, December 1865. Pp. xvi and 187. 
With 4 Maps and Illustrations. 


Art. I. — Notes on the Geology of the Great Plain. By Dr. Lamprey, 

Surgeon H.M.’s 67th Regt 1 

Art. II. — A Sketch of the Geology of a portion of Quang-tung Province. 

By Thos, W. Kingsmill 21 




Art. Ill — 05 Nom Show. Birds and Beasts (of Formosa). From 

the ISth Chapter of the revised edition of the 
Tai-man-foo-clie^ Statistics of Taiwan. Translated by 
Robeet Swinhoe, H.B.M. Consul at Taiwan : with critical 
Notes and Observations 39 

Art IV.— ® ^ IB Pi Sei»yo-hi-hmf or Annals of the Western 

Ocean, Translated by the Hev. S. R. Brown 63 

Art. V, — Sorgo, or Northern Chinese Sugar Cane. By Varnum D, 

Collins 85 

Art. YI. — A visit to the Agricultural Mongols. By the Rev. Joseph 

Edkins 99 

Art. YII.— The Hieroglyphic Character of the Chinese written Language. 

By R. A. Jamieson ... 113 

Art. YIII. — The Remains of Ancient Kambodia. By Dr. Bastian ... 125 

Art. IX. — Retrospect of Events in China and Japan during the year 

1865. By Thos. W. Kinosmill 135 

Miscellaneous : — 

I, — Respecting China Grass. By Robert Jarvie, Shanghai ... 171 

11. — ^Noteg on the Funeral Rites performed at the obsequies of 
Takee. Contributed by Rev. Chas. H. Butcher, 

British Consular Chaplain at Shanghai ’ 173 

III, — Traces of the Judicium del, or Ordeal in Chinese Law, 

Contributed by W, T. Stronach 176 

• lY. — Remarks on the Water We Use in Shanghai. By Dr. Lamprey, 

Surgeon H.M.’s 67th Regt ... ... 177 

Y. — Remarks by R. A. Jamieson, made upon exhibiting a To4o 

the Society ... 178 

7. — Journal of. tlie Nortli-OHiia Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, No. Ill, December 1866. Bp. xii and 121. 
With 2 Maps and Illustrations. 


Art, I. — ^Notes of a Journey from Peking to Ohefoo vid Grand Canal, 

Yen-chow Foo, etc. By Rev. A. Williamson 1 

Art. II. — Account of an Overland Journey from Peking to Shanghai, 
made in February and March, 1866. By Rev. W, A. P. 
Martin, D.D. 26 

Art. III.-® ^ IB Sei’-yo^ki’-dm. (Annals of the Western 
Ocean). An Account of a Translation of a Japanese 
Manuscript. By Rev. S. R, Brown 40 

Art. lY.— M Description of the Great Examination Hall at 

, . „ ; Canton. By J. G. Kerr, A.M., M.D 63 

Art, , Y. — On some Wild Silkworms of China. By D. B. McOarteb, 

A.M., M.D,, of Ningpo ' ... 76 

Art, YI. — Political Intercourse between China and Lewchew. By 

S. Wells Williams, Ll.d 81 



Art, .VII. —Notes on some outlying Coal-fields in the South-eastern 

Provinces of China. By Thos. W. Kingsmill 94 

Art, YIII.^ — A short Sketch of the Chinese Game of Chess, called 

also called 8eang-lih^e ^^5 to distinguish it from 

’Wei-liV'e ^ ^ another game played by the Chinese. 


Art. IX. — Retrospect of Events in the North of China during the year 

1866, Compiled by Ohas, H. Butohbb, M.A. ^..113. 

8. — Journal of tlie North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, No. IV, December 1867. Pp. xi and 266. 
With a Map and Diagrams. 


Art. I. — Sketch of a Journey from Canton to Hankow through the 

Provinces of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Hunan, with Geo- 
logical Notes. By Albert S. Bickmore, A.M. ... ... l 

Art. II. — Translation of Inscription on Tablet at Hangchow, recording 

the changing the T'ien Chu Tang (Boman Catholic Church) 
into the T‘ien Hao Rung. By Christopher T. Gardner, 
H.B.M.’b Consular Service 21 

Art. III. — Notes on the North of China, its Productions and Communi- 
cations. By Rev. A. WILLIAMSON, Chefoo 33 

Art, IV.— Notes on the Productions, chiefly Mineral, of Shantung. 

By the Rev. A. Williamson 64 

Art. V. — Entomology of Shanghai. By W. B. Pbyer ... 74 

Art. VI. — Notes on a portion of the Old Bed of the Yellow River and 
the Water Supply of the Grand Canal. By Net Ellias, 
F.R.G.S ... ... 80 

Art, VIL — Eclipses recorded in Chinese Works. By A. Wylie 87 

Art. VIII,— Chinese Chronological Tables. By Wm. Feedk. Mayers ... 159 

Art. IX.— The Christianity of Hung Tsui Tsuen, a review of Taeping 
Books. By Robert James Forrest, H.B.M.’s Acting 
Consul, Ningpo 187 

Art, X. — Carte Agricole G6n§rale de 1’ Empire Chinois. Texte Preface, 
L4gende et Repertoire. Par Monsieur G, Eug, Simon, 
Consul de France Ningpo 209 

Art. XL— Chinese Notions about Pigeons and Loves. By T, Watters 225 

Art. XII.— The Bituminous Coal Mines of Peking. By Rev, Joseph 

Edkins ' 2i3 

Art.Xni. — Retrospect of Events in China and Japan during the year 

1867. By Thos. W. Kingsmill ... ... 261 


9. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, No. Y, December 1868. Pp. xvii and 285. 


L— Note sur les petites Soci6t6s d’ Argent en Chine, Par 
Mr. G, Bva, Simon, Consul de France ^ Ningpo 1 

IL — Notes on the Coal Fields and general Geology of the 

Neighbourhood of Nagasaki. By Thos. W. Kingsmill ... 24 

III. — Notions of the Ancient Chinese respecting Music. A complete 

translation of the Yoli-Kyi^ or Memorial of Music, according 
to the Imperial edition. By Br. B, Jenkins 80 

IV. — Some Remai’ks on recent Elevations of Land in China and 

Japan. By Albert S. Bigkmoee 58 

Y. — Notices of Lok Ping Cheung ^ late Governor 

General of Sze-Chuen 0 Jlj* By Rev. C. F. PeestON ... 67 

VI.— The Tablet of Yii. By W. H. Mbdhurst, PLB.M.’s Consul 

at Hankow 78 

Art, VII. — Note sur quelques unes cles R^cherches que Ton pourrait 
faire en Chine et au Japon, au point de vue de la Geologie 
et de la Pal5ontologie. Par G. EuG, Simon, Consul de 
France ^ Ningpo 87 

Art. VIII.— Itinerary of a Journey through the Provinces of Hoo-pih, 

Sze-chuen and Shen-se, By A. Wylie ' 163 

Art. XI. — Report of an Exploration of the New Course of the Yellow 

River, By N. Ellias, Jr,, F.R.G.S 259 

Art. X. — Retrospect of Events in China and Japan during the 

Year 1868 .... 280 







10. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society for 1869 and 1870, No. VI. Pp. xv and 200. 
With Illustrations, 


Art. I.-!— Notes on the Shantung Province, being a Journey from 

Chefoo to Tsiuhsien, the city of Mencius. By* John 
Maekham, H.B.M.’s Consul, Chefoo ... ... ... l 

Art, II. — On W6n-Ch‘ang, the God of Literature, his History and 
' Worship. By Wm. Fkedeeiok Mayers, of H.B.M.’s 

Consular Service in China 31 

Art. III.— The Fabulous Source of the Hoang-ho. By E. J, Eitel ... 46 

Art. IV.— Sur les Institutions de Credit en Chine. Par Mons. G. Eug, 

Simon, Consul de France ^ ITou-tcheou 63 

Art. V. — On the Introduction and Use of Gunpowder and Firearms 
among the Chinese. With Notes on some Ancient Engines 
of Warfare, and Illustrations. By W. F. Mayers, P.R,A.S., 




Art. VI. — The Chinese Game of Chess as compared with that practised . , 
by Western Nations. By K. Himly, of the North- Gorman 
Consular Service 105 

Art. YII. — Note on the Chihkiang Miautsz’. By D. J. MAOaowAN, 

M.D 123 

ArtVIII. — Notes on the Provincial Examination of Chekeang of 1870, 
with a version of one of the Essays. By Bev. G. E. Moule, 
of the Church Missionary Society 129 

Art. IX.— Chinese Chemical Manufactures. By P. Porter Smith, M.B. 139 

Art. X.— Journal of a Mission to Lewchew in 1801. By S. Wells 

Williams, Ll.D. 149 

Art. XI. — Translation of the Inscription upon a Stone Tablet comme- 
morating the repairs upon the Ch^eng Hwang Miau or 
Temple of the Tutelary Deity of the City. By D. B. 
MoCaeteb, A.M., M.D 173 

Art. XII. — Ketrospect of Events in China and Japan during the Years 

1809 and 1870. By J. M. Canny 179 

11. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society for 1871 and 18725 No. VII. Pp. ix and 120. 


Art, I, — A Historical and Statistical Sketch of the Island of Hainan. 

Wm. Frederick Mayers, F.B.G.S., etc 1 

Art, II. — The Aborigines of Hainan. By Bobert Swinhob, F.B.G.S., 

F.Z.S 25 

Art. HI.— Narrative of an Exploring Visit to Hainan. By Egbert 

Swinhob, F.B.G.S., F.Z.S 41 

Art. IV. — Chinese Lyrics. By George Carter Stent 93 

Art. y, — The Mythical Origin of the Chow or Djow Dynasty, as set 

forth in the Shoo-king. By Thos. W. Kingsmill ... 137 

Art. VI, — The Obligations of China to Europe in the matter of Physical 
Science acknowledged by eminent Chinese ; being Extracts 
from the Preface to Tsang Kwo- Fan’s edition of Euclid with 
brief Introductory Observations. By Bev. G. E. Moule ... 148 

Art. VII. — The Life and Works of Han Yu or Han W^n-Kung. By • 

T. Watters 165 

Art.Vni. — Chinese Legends. By G. C. Stent 183 

Art, IX. — The Antiquities of Camhodjia. By J. Thompson, F.B.G.S. ... 197 

Art. X. — Quelques Benseignements sur I’Histoire Naturelle de la Chine 
Septentrional eet Occidental e. Par le P^re Arm AND David, 
Missionnaire Lazariste ... 206 

Art. XI. — Chinese Use of Shad in Consumption and Iodine Plants in 

Scrofula, By D. J. Macgowan, M.D. ... 236 



Art. Xn.— -On the “Mutton Wine” of the Mongols and Analogous 

Preparations of the Chinese. By Dr, Macgowak 237 

Art. XIII. — Retrospect of Events in China, etc., during the years 1871 

and 1872 241 

Meteorological Observations for 1872 2ol 

12. — Journal of tlie North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1873, No. VIII. Pp. xii and 187, With 

28 Plates. 


Art. I. — Recollections of China prior to 1840. By S. W. Williams 

Ll.D 1 

Art. II. —The Legend of W§n Wang, Founder of the Dynasty of the 

Chows in China. By Thos, W. Kingsmill 23 

Art, III, — Extracts from the History of Shanghai. By the Rev. 0. 

Schmidt 31 

Art. lY. — Chinese Fox-Myths. By T. Watters ... 43 

Art. Y. — Brief Account of the French Expedition of 1866 into Indo- 

China. By S. A. Yiguibr 67 

Art.- VI. — A Visit to the City of Confucius. By the Rev. J. Edkins, 

B.A 79 

Art. YII.— Short Notes on Chinese Instruments of Music. By N. B. 

Dennys ... ... 08 

Art. VIII. — The Stone Drums of the Cbou Dynasty, By S. W. Bushell, 

B.Sc., M.D ; 133 

Art, IX, — Retrospect of Events in China for the Year 1873 181 

13. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1874, No. IX. Pp. xxiv and 219. With 


Art. I. — Notes on Col. Yule’s Edition of Marco Polo’s “ Quinsay.” 

By the Rev. C. E. Moulb 1 

Art. II. — Legends of the Ancient Mazdaya9nian Prophets, and the 

Story of Zoroaster. By D. N, Camajbe 24 

Art, III. — The Aborigines of Northern Formosa. By E. 0. Taintor, 

A.M ... 53 

Art, IV.-:— Notes on the Miao-J^a-^Zien-Sua-CMng ^ ^ ^ 

a Buddhist Sdtra in Chinese. By T. Watters, H.B.M.O.S. 89 

Art. V;.,T— Narrative of Recent Events in Tong-klng, By Henri 

OOBDIEE ... 114 




Art. VI. — Notes on Chinese To:xicology. No. I. — Arsenic. By D. J. 

MAcaowAN, M.D. 173 

Art. VII. — Retrospect of Events in China and Japan, for the year 1871. 

By Rev. James Thomas 182 

Art. VIII.’— A Classified Index to the Articles printed in the Journal of 
the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, from 
the foundation of the Society to the Slst of December, 
1874. By Henri Cordibb 200 

14. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal 
Asiatic Society 1875, No. X. Pp. xii, 324, and 259. 
With Maps. 


Art. I.— Elucidations of Marco Polo’s Travels in North- China, 

drawn from Chinese sources. By the Rev. Archimandrite 
Palladius ' 1 

Art. IL — Notes made on a Tour through Shan-hsi and Shen-hsi. By 

Rev, C. Holcombe ... ... 55 

Art. III. — Short Notes on the Identification of the Yufe-ti and Kiang 
Tribes of Ancient Chinese History. By T. W. KiNos- 
MILL 71 

Art, IV. — ^Notices of the Mediaeval Geography and History of Central 
and Western Asia. Drawn from Chinese and Mongol writings 
and compared with the observations of Western authors in 
the Middle Ages. By E. Bbetsohn eider, M.D 75 

Art. V.— Retrospect of Events in China, for the year 1875. By 

Archibald J. Little, E.B.G.S 309 

Appendix I.— List of the Principal Tea Districts in China 
and Notes on the Names applied to the various 
kinds of Black and Green Tea. By H. G. 

Appendix IL— Observatoire M6t§orologique et Magn5tique de 
P6res de la Compagnie de J6su8 ^ Zi-ka-wei. 
Bulletins M6t6orologiques et MagnStiques de 
r Observatoire de Zi-ka-wei, Sfiptembre ^ 
Decembre, 1874 et 1876 1 

15. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1876, No. XI. Pp. xvi and 184. 

: Page 

Inaugural Address by the President (Thos. W. King-SMILL), 

The Border Lands of Geology and History 1 

Art. I. — Port Zelandia, and the Dutch Occupation of Formosa. By 

H. E. Hobson 33 

Art. II. — The Vertebrata of the Province of Chihli with Notes 

on Chinese Zoological Nomenclature, By 0. F, VON 
MOllendobef, Ph.D 41 

256 OlASSrClED list OJ the articles PEINTBD. 


Art. III. — On the Style of Chinese Epistolary Composition. By the 

Eev. A. P. Maetin, D.D H3 

Art. IV.— On Chinese Names for Boats and Boat Gear with Remarks on 

the Chinese use of the Mariner’s Compass. By J.Edkins, D,I). 123 

Art. V.— Chinese Eunuchs. By G. Carter 8tent 142 

16. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1877, No. XII. Pp. 337. With 18 Maps. 


Art. I. — On the Stone Figures at Chinese Tomhs and the Offering of 

Living Sacrifices. By WinLiAM Frederick Mayers ... 1 

Art. ' II.— The Comparative Study of Chinese Dialects, By;E. H. 

Parker 19 

Art. IIL— Droughts in China, a,d. 620 to 1613. By Alex. Hosib, M.A. 61 

Art, IV. — Sun-spots and Sun-shades observed in China, B.C. 28— A. D. 

1617. By Alex. Hosib, M.A 91 

Art, V. — The Ancient Language and Cult of the Chows ; being Notes 
Critical and Exegetical on the Shi-king, or Classic of Poetry 
of the Chinese. By Thos. W. Kingsmill 97 

Art. VI. — The Climate of Eastern Asia. By Dr. H. Fritsohe ... •... 127 

17. — Journal of the Norfch-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1878, No. XIII. Pp. xxxi and 132. With 
Plates and Illustrations. 


Art. L — ^Alligators in China. By A. A. Fauvel ... 1 

Art. II. — Periodical Change of Terrestrial Magnetism. By F. W. 

Schulze 37 

Art. HI. — The Family Law of the Chinese, and its Comparative Relations 

with that of other Nations. By P. G. vox MOllbndorfe... 99 

Art. ‘IV,— The Story of the Emperor Shun. By Thos. W. Kixgsmill ...123 

18. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1879, No. XIY. Pp. xv and 64. With 


Art. I. — The Intercourse of China with Central and Western Asia in 

the 2nd Century B.C. By Thos. W. Kingsmill ; 1 

Art. 11. — Rook Inscriptions at the North side of Yen-tai Hill. By J. 

Rhein 31 

Art. Ill,— Siamese Coinage. By Joseph Haas ... 36 


19. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal A^ig-tic 
Society 1880, No. XV. Pp. xliii and 316. With 
Plates and 259 Illustrations of Chinese Coins. 


Art. I.— Early European Eesearches into the Flora of China. By 

E. Brbtschneider. M.E 1 

Art. IL— Coins of Present Dynasty of China. By S, W. Bushell, M.D. .196 

Art. Ill,— The “ Naturalistic ” Philosophy of China. By Frbdbrio H. 

Balfour 311 

20. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1881, No. XVI. Pp. 216. With Diagrams 
and Plates. 


Art. I.— Notes on the Hydrology of the Yang-tse, the Yellow Eiver, 

and the Pei-ho. By H. B. GuPPY, M.B ... 1 

Art. II,— Some Notes on the Geology of Takow, Formosa. By H. B. 

Guppy, M.B ' 12 

Art. III. — Botanicon Sinicum. Notes on Chinese Botany from Native 

and Western Sources, By E. Bbetbchneideb, M.D. ... 18 

Art. lY. — The Climate of Shanghai. Its Meteorological Condition. By 

Eev. Father M. Deohrevens, S.J. ... 231 

MiscGllaneous : — 

List of Ferns found in the Yalley of the Min Biver, 
Foochow. By G. C. Anderson 247 

21. — Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1882, No. XVII. Pp. 246. With Map and 
290 Illustrations of Annamese Coins. 


Art. 1. — ^Notes on Chinese Composition, By Herbert A. Giles ... 1 

Art. II. — ^Notes on the Geology of the Neighbourhood of Nagasaki, By 

H. B. Guppy, M.B. 23 

Art. III.— Notes on the South Coast of Saghalien. By G EO. C. Anderson, 35 

Art. lY.— Annam and its Minor Currency. By Ed. Toda , 41 

Art. Y,— The Hoppo-Book of 1753. By F. Hirth, Ph.D. ... .... 221 

Bibliography i — 

“ Chinesisohe Qrammatik niit Ausschluss des Eiederen Stiles 
und der Heutigen Yon Georg von der 

Gabelentz,” ByF, Hiurn, PiJ.I). ... ... 237 



21. — Journal of the North-Ohina Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society for the year 1883, No. XVIII. Pp. sxix 
and 197. With Maps and Illustrations. 


Art L — ^Wliat did the ancient Chinese know of the Greeks and RomanB. 

By Joseph Bdkins, B.D 1 

Art’ II. — Corea. Extracts from Mr. Scherzer’s French translation 
of the Ohao-lmoi-eliilh, and Bibliographica Notice. Trans- 
lated into English by Charles Gould 26 

Art III. — Researches into the Geology of Formosa. By Georg-b 


Art. lY. — ^Fragmens d’un Yoyage dans I’interieur de la Chine. Par 

0 . Imbaelt-Huart 55 

Art Y. — Some Notes of a Trip to Corea, in July and August, 1883. 

By G. Jambs Morrison 141 

Art Yl, — Notes on some Dikes at the Mouth of the Nankow Pass. By 

H. B. Guppy, M.B. ... 159 

Art YII, — Samshu-Brewing in North-China. By H. B. Guppy, M.B. ... 168 
Art, YIII. — Notes on Szechuen and the Yangtse Valley. By Archibald 

J. Little ‘ 105 

22. — J* oiimal of the China Branch of tho Royal Asiatic Society 
for the year 1884, No. XIX, Part I. Pp. x and 115. 
With a Map and Illustrations. Part II, pp. 60. With a 

Part I: 

- , , Page 

Art, I. — Animal, Fossil, Mineral, and Vegetable Products. Consular 
District of Ichang in the Province of Hupeh, China. By 
Christophbr Thomas Gardner 1 

Art II.-— A Journey in ChSkiang. By E. H. Parker 27 

Art III.— A Journey in Fuhkien. By E. H. Parker ... 61 

Art, lY, — A Journey from Foochow to Wenchow through Central Fukien 

By E, H. Parker 75 

Art Y. — A Buddhist Sheet-Tract, containing an Apologue of Human 
Life. Translated, with Notes, by Bishop Moule of 
Hangchow 94 

Art YI. — Trade Routes to Western China. By xIlex. Hosib ... ... 103 

Part IX: 

Art. L — Hu Po^te Chinois du XYITTe si icicle. Yimn-Tseu-ts‘ai, sa vio 

et ses oeuvres. Par Camile Imbault-Huart 1 

Art II. — The S§rica of Ptolemy and its Inhabitants. By Xhos. W. 

Kingsmill ... 43 


23. — Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society for the year 1885, No. XX. Pp. iv and 316. 
With a Map. 


Art. I. — The Hung Lou Meng ^ : commonly called the Dream 

of the Bed Chamber. By Herbert A. Giles 1 

Art. 11. — The Prevalence of Infanticide in China 26 

In Memoviam : — 

George Carter Stent ; General Gordon ; Sir Harry Smith 

Parkes 58 

Items. (Bibliographical Notes) 63 

Art. III. — The Mystery of Ta-ts‘in. By G. M. H. Playfair 69 

Art. IV. — How Snow inspired Verse, and a rash Order made the Flowers 

bloom I By 0. B. T 80 

and Qiieries : — 

Chinese Bndeness. By H. A. G. (Giles) 87 

Prefectures, Districts and chief Towns of Japan in Chinese and 
Eomanised Japanese. By G. M. H. P. (Playfair) ... 88 

Ginger in China. By G. M. H. Playfair 91 

Chinese Land Measures. By T. W. K. (KiNaSMiLL) ... 91 

Extinct Title. By G. M. H. P. (PLAYFAIR) 94 

A Mistranslation. By G. M. H. P. (Playfair) 94 

Chinese Characters of Dress Ornaments. By G. M. H, P. 

(Playfair) 94 

Inspectorate of Customs in Peking. By H. A. G. (Giles) ... 95 

Snuff in China. By F. H. (Hirth ) 95 

Derivation of the word Hoppo. By F. H. (Hirth) 96 

South-Pointing Needle. By 0. B. T. ... 97 

Bekem-Petra-Likan. By E. W. G 97 

In Memoriam : — 

Eev. Canon Thomas McCIatchie, By T. W. K. (Kingsmill) 99 
literary Items : 

The Peking Oriental Society. By E. B. D. (Drew) 101 

The Li Ki 102 

“Where Chineses Drive”: Student’s Life in Peking. By a 
Student Interpreter ... 102 

Art. V. — What is Filial Piety ? 116 

Art. VI. — Is China a Conservative Country ? 146 

Art, VII. — Sinology in Italy. By L. Nocentini ... 156 

Art VIII. — Western Appliances in the Chinese Printing Industry. By 

F. Hirth ... ... 163 



ITotes and Queries:'^ 

Foreign Art in China. By Gideon Kye 178 

Guild Terrorism. By G. M, H. P. (Playeair) 181 

Hereditary Jurisdiction in the South-West of China. By G. M. 

H. P. (Playeaie) 182 

Were the K‘i-tan ( ^ jf*) Fire Worshippers? By 0. 1-H, 

(Camille Imbault-Huart) 184 

Birth of TsSng Kuo-fan. By C. I.-H. (Camille Imbault- 

Huaet) 184 

Kung (“S) Dsed as a Personal Pronoun by Han Kao-tsu, 

By 0, L-H. (Camille Imbault-Hdaet) 184 

Popular Designation of Chinese Kadicals. By G. M, H. P. 
(Playfair) ... 186 

Kekem-Petra-Likan. By F. H. (Hirth) 186 

The German Word “ Huhnerauge.” By F. H, (Hirth) ... 187 
A Chinese Proverb about Ship’s Crew. By F. H. (Hirth) ... 187 

Ancient China in America. By F. H. (Hirth) 187 

The new Star in Nebula Andromedae. By H. D. F 187 

Karly Foreign Coins in China, By H. D. F 189 

Art, IX. — Chinese Theatricals and Theatrical Plots 194 

Art. X.— The Seaports of India and Ceylon, described by Chinese 
Voyagers of the Fifteenth Century, together with an 
Account of Chinese Navigation. By Georoe Philipps 209 

Art. XI, — Some Additions to my Chinese Grammar. By Georg von 

der Gabblentz 227 

Art, XII. — Bibliography ; List of Books and Papers on China, published 

since 1st January 1884. Compiled by F. Hirth ... 236 

liotes and Quenes : — 

The Death of Yang Kuei-fei Bj H. A. G. 

(Giles) 276 

The Tale-Lamas. By W. W. B. (Rookhill) 277 

The Origin of the Word “Tangutan,” By W. W. E. (Rookhill) 278 

Thousand Character Numeral used by Artisans. By H. A. 
Giles 279 

An Attempt to burn Books during the T‘aug Dynasty. By 
. H. A. Giles 279 

A difficult Passage, By H. A. Giles ... 280 

Translation of two Chinese familiar Letters. By H. A. Giles 280 

The Tribe of Pu-lu-k‘o-pa ^ ^ R) or Bhotau. By 
0, Imbault-Hitart ^ 282 

Who was Po-to-li ? By J. Edkins 282 

More about Fu-lin. By J. Edkii^S and F. Hirth ... ... 283 

Italian Sinologues, By L. Nocbntini ... 285 

A false Beard worn by an Empress. By 0,. B,* T 286 




Military Superstition. By C. B. T 286 

Mr. Nye on Filial Piety. By Gideon Nye 286 

A Burning Lens sent to China. By F. E. T. (Taylor) ... 286 
Does Public Opinion exist among the Chinese ? By R. K. ... 287 

Corean Mints. By H. L. D. (Dennys) 287 

In Memoriam. Sir Walter Medhurst. By 0. A. (Alabaster ) 287 
Notices on New Books and Literary Notes ... ... ... 289 

24. — Journal of tlie China Bi^anch of the Eoyal Asiatic 
Society, Vol. XXI, 1886. Issued at Shanghai: August 
1886. Pp. 131. With a Map. Nos. 1 and 2. 


Art. I. — The Advisability, ortho Reverse, of ep.-b-n vosi-:' g lo convey 

Western Knowledge to the Chin-,:--;: Medium 

of their own Language l 

Art. II.— Histrionic Notes. By D. J. Macgowan, M.D 22 

Art. III.— The Seaports of India and Ceylon, described by Chinese 
Voyagers of the Fifteenth Century, together with an Account 
of Chinese Navigation from Sumatra to China. By 
George Phillips. Part 11. 30 

Art. IV, — Roadside Religion in Manchuria. By Rev. John MacIntyre 43 

Art. y. — Alphabetical List of the Dynastic and Reign-Titles of Chinese 

Emperors. (Compiled from Mayers’ Chinese Readers’ 
Manual). By G. M. H. Playfair 67 

Art. VI. — Where was Ta*ts‘in ? By Herbert J. Allen 89 

Art. VII.— Reply to Mr. H. J. Allen’s Paper “Where was Ta-ts'in? ” By 

F. Hirth 98 

J\^otes and Queries : — 

Proposed Administrative Changes in Formosa. By G. M. H. 

Playeair ... lOB 

Water-tight Compartments in Chinese vessels. By G. H.M. P, 
(Playfair) ... ... ... 106 

Supplement to the List of Surnames in Williams’ Dictionary, 

By G. H. M. P. (Playfair) 106 

Physiology in the Shanghai Dialect. By J, Edkins 106 

Chinese Term of Bar. By J. Edkins ... 108 

Fu-lin, a Persian word. By J. Edkins 109 

A Mongol Giant. By Herbert A. Giles ... ... 110 

Literary Notes : — 

Critical Notes on some Translations from the Chinese by 
Mr, Parker. By Herbert A. Giles no 


Bemew : — 


The Remains of Lao-tzii, Retranslated by Mr. H. A. Giles, 
China Review, Vol XI Y, pp, 231-1^81. By T. W. KiNOS- 

MILL 116 

The Folk-Lore Society (of Hongkong). Circular by J. H. 
Stewart Lockhart 120 

ITos. 3 and 4, issued at Shangliai : March 1887. Pp. 133-254. 
With a Map. 


Art. Till. — Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trade Unions. 

By D, J. Maooowan 133 

Art. IX.— Is Confucius a Myth? By Herbert J. Allen 193 

Art. X. — Philological Importance of Geographical Terms in the Shi-Ki, 

By Joseph Edkins 199 

Art. XI. — Ta-ts'in and Dependent vStates. By Herbert J. Allen ... 201 

Art. XII. — Reply to Mr. H. J. Allen’s Paper, “ Ta-ts'in and Dependent 

States.” By F. Hirth 209 

Art, XIII. — Chinese Equivalents of the Letter ”R” in foreign Xamea. 

By F, Hirth 2U 

Notes and Q%i-eries : — 

The Colloquial Analysis of Chinese Surnames. By ^ 

(F. Hirth) 221 

The Yueh-ti or Massagetae. By J. Edkins 227 

The Ephthalites. By J, Edkins 227 

Areas of Races. By J. Edkins 228 

The Chinese for the Bar of a River. By G. M. IT. P. ( Play- 
fair) 229 

|]!2 Broadcloth. By G. M. H. P. ( Playfair ) and F. Hirth 230 

Analysis of Brick from the Great Wall of China. By J. 3. 
Brazier ... ... 232 

Litamry Notes^ 

Remew , — 

Buddha : hia life, his doctrine, his order ( Gemeinde ) by 
Dr. Hermann Oldenberg, translated by Wm. Hoey, M, A., 

D, Lit., London, 1882, By Joseph Edkins 233 

Nos. 5 and 6, issued at Shanghai : July 1887. Pp. 255-370. 

Art. XIY.— The Family Names. By Herbert A. Giles 256 

Art. XY.— Manebu Relations with Tibet, or Si-tsang. By B. H. PARKER 289 


1% Memorimn .* — 

Alexander Wylie. By E. H. P. (Parkee) 305 

Notices of Wem Boohs and Literary Notes : — 

A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, by Dr. Legge, Oxford 1886. 

By Herbert A. Giles ' SH 

Dr. Leggb and the ‘^Tso Ohuan.’’ By Herbert A, Giles ... 320 
Dr. EDiaNS on the “ Tao Te Ching.” By Herbert A. Giles 321 

Chinese Books. By F. H. (Hirth) and J. EdkiSjs 321 

Corea. By W. R. Carles (under Proceedings) ... ... 327 

25. — Journal of the China Branch of the Boyal Asiatic Society 
1887. Vol. XXII, Xos. 1 & 2. Issued at Shanghai: 
January 1888, pp. 128. 


Art. I. — The Military Organisation of China prior to 1812, as described 

by Wei Yuan. Translated by E. H. Parker 1 

Art. II. — Notes on the Mineral Resources of Eastern Shantung. By 

H. M. Beecher 22 

Art. III. — Chinese Partnership : Liability of the Individual Members ... 39 

Art. IV. — Notes on the Early History of the Salt Monopoly in China, 

By F. Hirth 63 

Art. V, — The Salt; Revenue of China. By E. H, Parker ... ... 67 

Art. YI. — Remarks on the Production of Salt in China. By the late 
Archimandrite P. Zwehtkopp. Retranslated from the 
German by W, R. Carles 81 

Art. Ylf, — Names of the Sovereigns of the Old Corean States, and 
C’ • t 7 1 -’- -■“ the Present Dynasty. Compiled by 

f ,, ' ^ ' . *' ! ••• ... •»» 90 

Notes and Queries:-- 

Salt Office in China. By B. H. P. (Parker) 100 

Manchu Horse-breeding Grounds. E. H. P. (Parker) ... 100 
Wei Yuan on the Mongols. By E. H, P. (Parker) ... 101 
The Andaman Cannibals in Chinese Literature. By F. Hirth 103 

Cement for Pasting Porcelain. By F. H. (Hirth) 104: 

Query : Kangaroos in Central Asia. By H. D. F 105 

Notes 071 Neio Boohs and Litei'a^nj Notes : — 

W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du levant an moyen-Sge. 
French version by Furcy Raynaud. 2 vols, Leipisig, 
1885-6, By F. Hirth 106 

Chinese Books. By F. Hirth ... ... 109 


Nos. 3 & 4. Issued at Shanghai : April 1888. Pp. 129-231. 


Art.VIIL— Ancient Porcelain: a Study in Chinese Mediseval Industry 

and Trade. By F. Hibth 129 

Art. IX— The Chinese Oriental College. By F. Hirth 203 

Appendix. — The Writing of the Ju-chih and Kitan Tartars, 

By E. H. Parker 220 

Notes and Queries : — 

The Miryeks, or “ Stone Men ” of Corea 224 

Notes on the Epthalites, A.D. 450. By J. Eekins 227 

“Kangaroos in Central Asia”. By 0. F. von M5llbndobpe 229 

Literary Notes : — 

A New Historical Work. Sheng hiUn), By J. Edkins 230 

No. 5. Issued at Shanghai : July 1888. Pp. 233-283. 

Art. ■ X— Chinese Names of Plants. By Augustine Henry 233 

,26. — Journal of the China Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic 
Society 1888, Vol. XXIII. Pp. ii and 336. With 
Plates and Illustrations. 


A Corean Monument to Manchu Clemency, By W. E. Carles 1 

A Guide to True Vacuity. By Yuen Yang Tszb. Translated 
by G. E. Moulb, D.E. 9 

Changchow, the Capital of Fuhkien in Mongol Times. By 
Geo. Phillips 23 

The Porcelain Pagoda of Nanking. Translation of the Historical 
portion of a Pictorial sheet engraved and published by the 
Buddhist High Priest in charge of the Pao-en Temple, 

By H. E. Hobson 31 

Notes and Quenes: — 

Formation of Hang-chow Bay. By iVT 89 

An alleged old Import of Porcelain in Europe. By F. Hirth 40 

Tenure of Land in China and the Condition of the Eural 
Population. By George Jamieson 59 

Keport on Land Tenure in Manchuria. By Rev. John Ross .. 79 

„ „ „ Chihli and Shantung, By Rer. T. 

Richards 82 

„ n „ Shantung. ByRev. 0. S. Mebhubst 85 

„ }, „ Shansi. By Rev. R. Bagnall ... 89 

Classified list of the abtiolbs feinted. 265 





Keport on Land Tenure in Kweichow. By Rev. Gr. Andeew . 

„ Kansuh. By Rev. W. E. Burnett 
„ Kiaugsi. By Geo. Jamieson 

„ Hupeh. By Rev. F. Boden 

„ Luekiang. j Johnson 106 

„ Fuhlden. By Geo. Phillips ... 107 

„ Kwangtmig, By Misa A. M. Field... 110 

,) Yiinnan. By Rev. F. J. Foucab ... 116 

A Practical Treatise on Legal Ownership. By the Rev. Peteb 


On the Tenure and Transfer of Real Property in China and the 
Mode of Succession to Land, (Reprint of Articles on the 
subject from the Cycle) 

The Bore of tho Tsien-Tang Kiang (Hang-chow Bay). By 
Commander Moore, R. H 

Chinese Chess. By Z. Volpicelli 





and Queries : 

Ages of Candidates on Chinese Examinations: Tabular Statement. 

By E. L. OXBNHAM ... 286 

27. — Journal of tlie China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 
1890, Vol. XXIY. Pp. 350. 


Essay on Manchu Literature. By P, G. VON M5llendokpp... 1 

Abstract of Information on Currency and Measures in China. 
Compiled by 11. B. Morse 46 

The Preservation of the Hestorian Tablet and other Ancient 

Monuments at Si-an-fu. Correspondence «*• 136 

Prehistoric China. By Ernst Faber ... 141 

Obituary. Edward Colbobnb Baber •«* ... 220 

Remew : — 

An Expounder of Dark Sayings. ‘^Chuang Tsii, Mystic, Mora- 
list and Social Reformer.” Translated from the Chinese 
by Herbert A. Giles. By G. M. H. Playpair ... 224: 

Proceeding & : — 

Gynoccocracy. By D. J. MacgowaN ... ... 234 

Chinese Architecture. By J. Edkins 263 

Notes on the Nestorians in China, By E. H. Parker 289 

The Tent Theory ” of Chinese Architecture, By S. Ritter 
von Fries 303 




Kev, Alexander Williamson, Ll,D. By J. Edkins 


... 340 

28. — Journal of tlie Cliiua Branch of the Boyal Asiatic Society 
1890-91, Vol. XXV. Pp. ii and 509. 


Botanicon Siaiciun. Kotes on Ohhiese Botany, from Native and 
Western Sources. By E. Beetschneideb, M.D. ... 1 

General Bemark^ (to the above). By Br. E. Fabeb ... ... 402 

29. — Journal of the China Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic Society 
1891-92, Vol. XXVI. Pp. 128. 


The Fish-Skill Tartars. By E. H. Fraser 1 

A Comparative Table of the Ancient Lunar Asterisms. By 
T. W. Kingsmill 44 

Wei-Oh'i. By Z. Yolpicelli 80 

Militant Spirit of the Buddhist Clergy in China. By J. J. M. 

DE Gboot, Pli.n 108 

Notes and Queries : — 

On E. H. Parker’s History of the Turko-Scythian Tribes. 

By Thos. W. Kingsmill ... ... 120 

On the Condition of the Bural Population in Ohina. By 
Thos. W. Kingsmill 126 

Ancient Use of Wheels for the Propulsion of Vessels hy the 
Chinese. By Z. VonCELLi 127 

A Classified Index to the Articles printed in the Journal of the 
(North-) China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, from 
the Foundation of the Society, 1858, to the end of 1893. 
Compiled by Joseph Haas 185 








I. Miscellaneous 










Religions in China 











I. Physics 




Meteorology and Magnetism 









Natural Science 





















Medicine and Chemistry 






Philosophy ... 













I. Linguistics 









I. Geography 
















• * « 














Modern History 





Manners, Constitution 










Literary History and Bibliography 











O.S.— Old Series. U’.S.—New Series. N, & Q.— Ifotes and 
Queries. Misc.— Miscellaneous. Ap.— Appendix. Lit. H.-Lit- 
erary Notes. The flrst number thereafter following in Arabic 
cyphers indicates the Number of the Journal; the second 
number in Boman indicates the Number of the Article, 


L — Miscellaneous. 

1. I. — ^Tablet at Hangchow recording the changing the 
"Dien Chu Tang (Catholic Church) into T'ien Hao Kung. 
By Christopher T. Gardner. N.S.^ 4, II. 

2. 3. — Legends of the Ancient Mazdayagnian Prophets, and 
the Story of Zoroaster. By D. N. Camajee. N.S., 9, 11 . 

3. 3. — Were the K^i-tan Fire Worshippers ? By C. J.-H, 
N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

4. 4. — ^Roadside Religion in Manchuria. By Rev, John 
Macintyre. N.S., 21, IV. 

5. 5. — Notes on the Nestorians in China, By E. H. Parker. 
N.S., 24, pp. 289. 

11. — ^Buddhism. 

6. I. — A Buddhist Shastra, translated from the Chinese, By 
Rev. J. Edkins. O.S., i, V. 

7. 2. — ^Remarks upon a To-Zo Pall. By R. A, Jamieson. N.S., 
2, Misc., V. 


8. 3. — The fabulous Source of the Huang-ho, By E. J. Eitel. 
N.S., 6, IIL 

9, 4. — Notes on the Miao-Fci-Lien-Hua-Chingj a Buddhist 
Satra in Chinese. By T. Watters. N.S., 9, IV. 

10. 5. — A Buddhist Sheet -Ti-act, containing an Apologue of 
Human Life. By Bishop Moule. N.S., 19, Pt. 1, V. 

11. 6. — Militant Spirit of the Buddhistic Clergy in China. 
By J. J. M. De Groot. N.S., 26, No. i, IV. 

III. — ^Eeligions in China. 

12. I. — A Sketch of Tauist Mythology in its modern form. 
By Joseph Edkins. O.S., 3, V, 

13. 2. — On Wen-Ch'ang, the God of Literature. By Wm. 
Frederick Mayers. N.S., 6, II. 

14. 3. — Translation of the Inscription .upon a Stone Tablet 
commemorating the repairs upon the Ch^'eng Hwang Miao. 
By D. B. McCartee. N.S., 6 , XL 

15. 4.— Thear ' T " and Cult of the Chows. By 

Thos. W. I2,V. 


16. I. — On the Banishment of Criminals in China. By 
D. J. Macgowan. O.S.^ 3, IIL 

17. 2 , — Traces of the Judicium Dei, or Ordeal in Chinese Law. 
By W. T. Stronach. N.S., 2, Misc., IIL 

18. 3. — The Family Law of the Chinese. By P. G. von 
Mdllendorff. N.S., 13, IIL 

19. 4. — Hereditary Jurisdiction in the South-West of China. 
By G. M. H. P. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

I. — Physios. 

20. I. — The Obligations of China to Europe in the matter of 
Physical Science. By G. E. Moule. N.S., 7, VI, 


II. — Meteorology and Magnetism:. 

21. X. — On Cyclones, or the Law of Storms. By Sir 
F. W. Nicolson. O.S., i, II. 

23 . 2. — Memorandum on the present state of some of the 
Magnetic Elements in China and Places adjacent. By 
Capt. C. F. A. Shadwell O.S„ 2, VII. 

23. 3. — Supplement to above, Observations made during 1859. 
By Capt, Shadwell. O.S., Vol, II, No. i, VII. 

24. 4. — Thermometrical Observations, taken during a passage 
from Nagasaki to Shanghai. By Capt. J. Fedorovitch. 
O.S., 2, X. 

35. 5. — Meteorological Tables, from Observations in Japan. 
O.S., 3, VII. 

26. 6. — Cosmical Phenomena in Shanghai, during 13 centuries. 
By D. J. Macgowan. O.S., Vol. II, No. i. III. 

27. 7. — Temperature of Hakodadi. By Charles F. A. Courtney. 
O.S. Vol. II, No. X, VIII. 

28. 8.— Winds and Weather at Chefoo. O.S., Vol. 11 , No. i, IX. 

29. 9. — Notes on some Physical Causes which modify Climate 
By James Henderson. N.S., i, II. 

30. 10, — Barometric and Thermometric Observations at Kiu- 
kiang. By Hollingworth & Piry. N.S. i, Misc. IV, 

31. II.— Meteorological Observations for 1872. N.S., 7, XIII. 

32. 12. — Bulletins Meteorologiques et Magnetiques de TObser- 
vatoire de Zi Kia Wei, Septembre a Decembre 1874 et 
1875. N.S., 10, Ap. II. 

33 * 13* — *rbe Climate of Eastern Asia. By Dr. H. Fritsche. 
N.S., 12, VI. 

34. 14. — Periodical Change of Terrestrial Magnetism. By 
F. W. Schulze. N.S., 13, II, 

35. iS^—The Climate of Shanghai, Bjr Rev, Father Mt 
Pechr^v^ns, N.S., IVt 



36. I. — Eclipses recorded in Chinese Works. By A. Wylie. 
N.S., 4, VIL 

37. 2. — Sunspots and Sun-shades observed in China^ B.C. 28 — 
A.D. 1617. By Alex. Hosie. N.S., 12, IV. 

38. 3. — The new Star in Nebula Andromedje. By H. D. F. 
N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

39. 4. — A comparative Table of the ancient Lunar Asterisms. 
By T. W. Kingsmill. N.S. 26, II. 

IV. — Natural Science. 

40. I. — On the Study of the Natural Science in Japan. By 
Thr. J. L. C. Pompe van Meerdevoort. O.S., 2, VI. 

41. 2. — Quelques Renseignements sur I'Histoire Naturelle de 
la Chine septentrionale et occidentale. N.S.^ 7, X. 

42. 3. — Animab Fossil, Mineral and Vegetable Products of the 
Ichang District. By C. T. Gardner. N.S., 19, Pt. 1, 1 . 

V.— Zoology. 

43. I. — Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa. By 
Robert Swinhoe. O.S., 2, 1 . 

44. 2. — Notes on some new Species of Birds found on the 
Island of Formosa. By Robert Swinhoe. O.S., 2, VXII. 

45. 3. — The Small Chinese Lark. By Robert Swinhoe. 

O.S., 3, IL 

46. 4. — Birds and Beasts (of Formosa). By Robert Swinhoe. 
N.S., 2, III. 

47. 5. — On some Wild Silkworms in China. By D, B. 
McCartee. N.S., 3, V. 

48. 6.— Entomology of Shanghai. ByW. B. Pryer. N.S.,4,V. 

49. 7.— Chinese Notions about Pigeons and Doves. By 
T. Watters. N.S., 4, XI. 

50. 8.— The Vertebrata of the Province of Chihli. By. O, F, 
yon MOllendorfF. N.S., l\, 11 , 


51. 9. — Alligators in China. By A. A. Fauvel N.S., 13, L 

52. 10. — Kangaroos in Central Asia. By N. D. T. N.S., 22, 
Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. 

53- ir. — Kangaroos in Central Asia. By O.F. von MOllendorff. 
N.S., 22, Nos, 3 & 4, N. & Q. 

54. 12. — Probable Foreign Origin of the Ass, Sheep, and Cat, 
in China. By D. J. Macgowan. N.S. 26, p. 129. 

VI. — Botany. 

55- I. — Sorgo, or Northern Sugar Cane. By Varnum D. 
Collins N.S., 2, V. 

56. 2. — Early Researches into the Flora of China. By 
E. Bretschneider. N.S., 15, L 

57. 3. — Botanicon Sinicum. By E. Bretschneider. N.S., 
and N.S. 25. 

58. 4.— List of Ferns found in the Valley of the Min River. 
By G. C. Anderson. N.S,, 16, Misc. 

59- 5. — Ginger in China. By G. M. H. Playfair. N.S., 20, 
N. &Q. 

60. 6. — Chinese Names of Plants. By Augustine Henry. 
N.S.,22, No. 5. X. 

61. 7.— General Remarks on Dr. Bretschneider's Botanicon 
Sinicum. By Dr. E, Faber. N.S., 25, p, 402. 

YII.— Geology. 

62. I. — Notes on the Mineral Resources in Japan. By 
Wm. H. Shook. O.S., Vol. II, No. i, VI. 

63. 2. — Notes on the Geology of the Great Plain. By 

Dr. Lamprey. N.S., 2, 1 . 

64. 3. — A Sketch of the Geology of a portion of Quang-tung. 
By Thos. W, Kingsmill. N.S., 2, IL 

65. 4. — ^Notes on some outlying Coal-fields in the South- 
Eastern Provinces of China. By Thos. W. Kingsmill. 
N.S., 3 , VII. 

66. 5. — Sketch of a Journey from Canton to Hankow, with 
Geological Notes. By Albert S^ Bickmore, N.S., 4, 1 , 


67. 6. — Notes on the Productions, chiefly Mineral, ofShan-Tung. 
By A. Williamson, N.S., 4, IV. 

68. 7. — The Bituminous Coal Mines of Peking. By Joseph 
Edkins. N.S., 4. XU. 

69. 8. — ^Notes on the Coal Fields and general Geology of the 
Neighbourhood of Nagasaki. By Thos. W. ICingsmill. 
N.S, 5, II. 

70. 9. — Some Remarks on recent Elevations of Land in 
China and Japan. By Albert S. Bickmoi’e. N.S., 5, lY. 

71. 10. — ^Recherches que Ton pourrait faire en Chine at au 
Japon au point de vue de la Geologic et Paleontologie. 
By G. Eug. Simon. N.S., 5, VII. 

72. II. — The Border Lands of Geology and History. By Thos. 
W. Kingsmill. N.S., 11. 

73. 12. — ^Notes on the Hydrology of the Yang-tse, the Yellow 
River, and the Pei-ho. By H. B. Gupp3^ N.S., 16, 1 . 

74. 13. — Some Notes on the Geology of Takow, Formosa. 
By H. B. Guppy. N.S,, 16, 11 . 

75. 14. — ^Notes on the Geology of the Neighbourhood of 
Formosa. By H. B. Guppy. N.S., 17, 11 , 

76. 15. — ^Researches into the Geology of Formosa. By George 
Kleinwachter. N.S., 18, HI. 

77. 16. — ^Notes on some Dikes at the mouth of the Nankou 
Pass. ByH.B. Guppy. N.S., 18, VL 

78. 1 7. — ^N otes on the Mineral Resources of Eastern Shantung. 

, By H. M. Beecher. N.S., 22, Nos. i & 2, 11 . 

79. 18. — Formation of the Hangchow Bay. By M. N.S., 23 
N. & Q. 

80. 19. — The^Bore of the Tsien Tang Kiang (Hangchow Bay) 
By Commander Moore. N.S., 23, p. 185. 

VIII. — Medioike and Ohemistet. 

81. I. — Dissection of a Japanese Criminal. By Dr. J. L. C. 
Pompe van Meerdevoort. O.S., Vol. II, No. i, V. 

82. 2. — The 'Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese- 
By James Henderson. N.S., i, V. 

83. 3. — ^The Water We Use in Shanghai. By Dr. Lumprey. 
N.S., 2, Misc., IV. 

274 CliASSmSD ikdex to the articles printed. 

84. 4. — Chinese Chemical Manufactures. By F. Porter Smith, 
N.S., 6, IX, 

85. 5 . — Chinese use of Shad in Consomption and Jodine Plants 
in Scrofula. By D. J. Macgowan. N.S., 7, XI, 

86. 6. — ^Notes on Chinese Toxicology. No. i. Arsenic. By 
D. J. Macgowan, N.S., 9, VI. 

87. 7. — The Mystery of Ta-Ts^in. By G. M. H. Playfair. 
N.S., 30., III. 

88. 8. — Analysis of Brick from the Great Wall of China. 
By J. S. Brazier. N.S., 21 , Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q. 

IX. — Philosophy. 

89. I. — ^Notices of the Character and Writings of Meh-Tsi. 
By Joseph Edkins. O.S., 2 , II, 

90. 2. — ^The Ethics of the Chinese. By Griffith John. O.S., 
Yol. II, No. I, II. 

91. 3. — The '^Naturalistic'^ Philosophy of China. By 
Frederic H. Balfour. N.S., 15, III. 

92. 4. — A Guide to true Vacuity. By G. E, Moule. N.S., 
23; P‘ 9- 

X. — MukSIO. 

93. X. — On the Musical Notation of the Chinese. By 
E. W. Syle, O.S., 2, IV, 

94. 3. — Notions of the Ancient Chinese respecting Music, 
By Dr. B, Jenkins. N.S., 5, III. 

95» 3- — Short Notes on Chinese Instruments of Music. By 
N. B. Dennys, N.S., 8, VII. 

XL — Architecture. 

96. 1. — Chinese Architecture. By J. Edkins. N.S.. 24, 
P- 253‘ 

97. 2. — The "Tent Theory" of Chinese Architecture. By 
S. Ritter von Fries. N.S., 34, p. 303, 



I. — Linguistics. 

98. I, — ^The Hieroglyphic Character of the Chinese written 
Language. By K.. A. Jamieson. N.S., 2, VII. 

99. 2. — ^The Comparative Stud}’’ of Chinese Dialects. By 
E. H. Parker. N.S., 12, II. 

100. 3. — The Ancient Language and Cult of the Chows. By 
Thos. W. Kingsmill. N.S., 12^ V. 

roi. 4. — Derivation of the Word Hoppo. By F. H, N.S., 20^ 
N. & Q. 

102. 5. — Sinology in Italy. By L. Nocentini. N.S., 20, VII, 

103. 6. — ^Kung (S) used as a Personal Pronoun. By C. J.-H. 
N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

104. 7. — Popular Designation of Chinese Radicals. By 

G. M. H.P. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

105. 8. — The German Word Htihnerauge.” By F. H. N.S. 
20, N. & Q. 

106. 9. — Additions to my Chinese Grammar, By Georg von 
' der Gabelentz. N.S.j 20, XI. 

107. 10. — ^The Origin of the word "Tangutan.^^ By W. W. R. 
N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

108. II. — Thousand Character Numerals used by Artisans. By 
H. A. Giles. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

109. 12. — A difficult Passage. By H. A. Giles. N.S., 20, 
N. &Q. 

no. 13. — Translation of two Chinese familiar Letters. By 

H. A. Giles. N.S.,20,N- &Q. 

111. 14. — The Advisability, or the Reverse, of endeavouring to 
convey Western Knowledge to the Chinese through the 
medium of their own Language. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2, L 

112. 15. — Supplement to the List of Surnames in Williams^ 
Dictionary. By G. M. H. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2, N. & Q. 

1 13. 16. — ^Chinese Term of Bar. By J. Edkins. N.S., 21, 
Nos. I & 2,N.&0,— ByG.M.H.P. Nos.3 &4,N.&0. 


276 OIiASSmBD index to the AKTIOLES pbinted, 

1 14. 17. — Notes on some Translations from the Chinese by 
Mr. Parker. By Herbert A. Giles. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2, 
Lit. N. 

1 15. 18. — Physiology in the Shanghai Dialect. By J. Edkins. 
N.S., 21, Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. 

116. 19. — Chinese Equivalents of the letter in Foreign 
Names. By F. Hirth. ‘ N.S., 21, Nos. 3 & 4, XIIL 

1 17. 20. — ^The Colloquial Analysis of Chinese Surnames. By 
M‘ N.S., 21. Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q, 

118. 21. — Broadcloth. By G. M. H. P. and F. Hirth. N.S., 
2X; Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q. 

1 1 9. 22. — ^The Chinese Oriental College. By F. Hirth. N,S., 
22, Nos. 3 & 4, IX. 

120. 23. — ^The Writing of the Ju-chih and Kitan Tartars. By 
E. H, Parker. N.S.^ 23^ Nos. 3 & 4, App. 

121. 24. — ^The Growth of Language. By J. Edkins. N.S., 26, 
p. 213, 

II. — Composition. 

122. I. — ^Notes on the Provincial Examination of Chekeang of 
1870, with a version of one of the Essays. By G- E. Moule. 
N.S., 6, VIIL 

123. 2. — Chinese Lyrics. By George Carter Stent. N.S., 7, IV. 

124. 3. — On the Style of Chinese Epistolary Composition. By 
W. A. P. Martin. N.S., 11, HI. 

125. 4. — ^Notes on the Chinese Composition. By Herbert A. 
Giles. N.S., 17, 1 . 

126. 5. — ^The Hung Lou M6ng; commonly called the Dream of 
the Red Chamber. By Herbert A. Giles. N.S., 20, 1. 

127. 6. — How Snow inspired Verse I By C. B, T, N.S., 20, IV. 

128. 7.— Chinese Theatricals and Theatrical Plots. N.S., 20, IX. 

129. 8,— The Remains of Lao-tz\i, retranslated by H. A. Giles. 
By T. W. Kingsmill. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2, Rev. 



L — Geogeapht. 

130. I. — Sailing Directions for the Yang-tsze Kiang. By 
Capt. John Ward. O.S., 2, IX. 

13 1. 2. — On the ancient Mouths of the Yangtzi Kiang. By 
J. Edkins. O.S., Vol. II, No. i, IV. 

132. 3. — The Sea-Board of Russian Manchuria. By J. M. Canny. 
N.S., I, VI. 

133. 4. — ^The Sea wall at Hang-chow bay. By Major Edwards. 
N.S., I, Misc. II. 

134* 5 - — ^Report on the appearance of the Rugged Islands. By 
Edward Wilds. N.S., i, Misc. III. 

135. 6. — Annals of the Western Ocean. By S. R. Brown. 
N.S., 2, IV and 3, III. 

136. 7.— Notes on a portion of the Old Bed of the Yellow 
River. By Ney Ellias. N.S., 4, VI. 

137. 8. — ^Report of an Exploration of the New Course of the 
Yellow River. By N. Ellias. N.S., 5, IX 

138. 9. — ^Notes on the South Coast of Saghalien. By Geo, C. 
Anderson. N.S., 17, III. 

139. 10. — ^Notes on Szechuen and the Yangtse Valley. By 
Archibald J. Little. N.S., 18, VIII. 

140. II. — Trade Routes to Western China. By Alex. Hosie. 
N.S., 19, Pt. I, VI. 

141. 12. — ^The Mystery of Ta-Ts^in. By G. M. H. Playfair. 
N.S., 20, III. 

142. 13. — Prefectures, Districts and Chief Towns of Japan. By 
G.M. H. P. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

143. 14. — Rekem-Petra-Likan. E. W. G. and F. H. N.S., 20, 
N. &Q. 

144. 15. — Ancient China in America. By F. H. N.S., 20, 
N. & Q. 

145. 16. — The Seaports of India and Ceylon. By George 
Phillips. N.S., 20, X and 21, Nos. i & 2^ III, 



17. — ^More about Fu-Iin. By J. Edkins and F. Hirth. 
N.S„ 20, N. & Q. 

147. 18. — ^Where was Ta-Tsln ? By Herbert J. Allen. N.S., 
21, No. I & 2, VI. 

148. 19. — Reply to Mr. H. J. Allen's Paper Where was 
Ta*-Ts'in?" By F. Hirth. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2, VIL 

149. 20.— 'Fu 4 in, a Persian word. By J. Edkins. N.S., 21^ 
Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. 

150. 21. — ^Philoloquial Importance of Geographical Terms in the 
Shi-ki. By Joseph Edkins. N.S., 21, Nos. 3 & 4, X. 

151. 22. — Ta-ts 4 n and Dependent States, By Herbert J. Allen. 

N.S., 21, Nos. 3 & 4; XE 

152. 23. — Reply to Mr. H. J. Allen's Paper '^Ta-t'sin and 
Dependent States," By F. Hirth. N.S,, 21, Nos. 3 & 4, 

153. 24. Areas of Races, By J. Edkins. N.S., 21, Nos. 3 & 4, 
N. & Q. 

154. 25. — Corea. By W. R. Carles. N.S., 21, Nos. s & 6., 

155. 26. — Changchow, the Capital of Fuhkien in Mongol 
Times. By Geo. Phillips. N.S., 23, p. 23. 

156. 27. — ^Yunnan : its Treasures and Trade Routes. By 
Gen. Mesney. N.S., 25, p. 481. 

II.— Ethkogeaphy. 

157. I. — Contribution to the Ethnology of Eastern Asia. By 
D. J. Macgowan. O.S., i, IV. 

158. 2. — Sketches of the Miau-tse. By E. C. Bridgman. O.S., 

159. 3. — A Visit to the Agricultural Mongols. By Joseph 
Edkins. N.S., 2 , VI. 

160. 4. — ^Note on the Chihkiang Miautsz By D. J. Macgowan. 

N.S., 6, VII. 

161. 5. — The Aborigines of Hainan. By Robert Swinhoe, N.S., 
7; IE 

163. 6— .The Aborigines of Northern Formosa, By E. C, Taintor. 
N.S., 9, HI. 

163. 7.r— CJ^inese Eunuphs, By G. Carter Stent, N.S., ii^ V, 


164. 8. — Corea ; Extracts of Mr. F. Scherzer*s French transla- 
tion of the Chao-hsien-chih. By Charles Gould. N.S., 
18, IL 

165. 9. — The Tribe of Pu-Iu-k^o-pa or Bhotan. By C. Imbault- 
Huart. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

166. 10. — A Mongol Giant. By Herbert A. Giles. N.S., 21, 
Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. 

167. II. — Wei-Ydan on the Mongols. By E. H. P. N.S., 22, 
Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. 

168. 12. — The Andaman Cannibals in Chinese Literature. By 
F. Hirth. N.S., 22, Nos. i & 2, N. & Q. 

169. 13. — Notes on the Ephtalites, A.D. 450. By J. Edkins. 
N.S., 22, Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q. 

170. 14. — Gynoecocracy. By D. J. Macgowan. N.S., 24. 

Proc., p. 234, 

171. 15. — The Fish Skin Tartars. By E. H. Fraser. N.S., 26, 
No. 2. 

III. — Travels. 

172 . I .-—Visit to Simoda and Hakodadi. By Capt. A. H. Foote. 
O.S., I, VI. 

173. 2. — Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa. By 
Robert Swinhoe. O.S., 2, 1 . 

I 74 « 3,— Narrative of an Overland Trip, through Hunan, from 

Canton to Hankow. By W. Dickson. N.S., i, III. 

175. 4. — The Overland Journey from St. Petersburg to Pekin. 
By A. Wylie. N.S., 1, IV. 

176. 5. — Notes of a Journey from Peking to Chefoo. By 
A. Williamson. N.S., 3, 1 . 

177. 6. — Overland Journey from Peking to Shanghai. By 
W. A. P. Martin. N.S., 3, H- 

178. 7. — Sketch of a Journey from Canton to Hankow. By 
Albex't S. Bickmore. N.S,, 4, I. 

179. 8. — Itinerary of a Journey through the Provinces of 
Hoo-pih, Sze-chuen, and Shen-se. By A. W3die. N.S,, 
5, VIII. 

180. 9.— Notes on the Shantung Province. By John Markhamt 
N.S., 6^L 


181. 10. — Journal of a Mission to Lewchew in i8oi. By 
S. Wells Williams. N.S., 6, X. 

182. II. — ^Narrative of an Exploring Visit to Hainan. By- 
Robert Swinhoe. N.S., 7, III, 

183. 12. — A Visit to the City of Confucius. By J. Edkins. 
N.S., 8, VI. 

184. 13. — ^Elucidations of Marco Polo’s Travels in North 
China. By Archim. Palladius. N.S., 10, 1 . 

185. 14, — Notes made on a Tour through Shan-hsi and Shen-hsi. 
By C. Holcombe. N.S., 10, II. 

186. 15. — Fragmens d’un Voyage dans I'lnterieur de Chine. 
By C. Imbault-Huart. N.S., 18, IV. 

187. 16. — Some Notes of a Trip to Corea, By G. James 
Morrison. N.S., 18, V. 

188. 17.—- A Journey in Ch6kiang. By E. H. Parker. N.S., 
19, Pt. 1, II. 

189. 18. — A Journey in Fukien. By E. H. Parker. N.S., 
19, Pt. I, III. 

190. 19. — A Journey from Foochow to Wenchow. By 
E. H. Parker. N.S., 19, Pt. i, IV. 

191. 20. — A Journey to the Upper Waters of the Orkhon and 
the Ruins of Karakorum. By M, N, YadruntsefF. N.S., 
26 , p, 190. 

IV. — Mythology. 

192. I. — The Mythical Origin of the Chow Dynasty. By 
Thos. W. Kingsmill. N.S., 7, V. 

193. 2. — Chinese Legends. By G. C. Stent. N.S., 7^ VIII. 

194* 3 - — ^The Legend of W^n Wang, Founder of the Dynasty 
of the Chows. By Thos. W. Kingsmill. N.S., 8 , II. 

195. 4. — Chinese Fox-My^ths. By T. Watters. N.S., 8, IV, 

196. 5.— The Story of the Emperor Shun. By Thos. W. 
Kingsmill. R.S., 13, IV. 

197 . 6. — The Folk-Lore Society (of Hongkong). By J. H. 
Stewart Lockhart. N.S,, 21, Nos. i & 2, Rev. 

198. 7. — Is Confucius a Myth ? By Herbert J, Allen. N.S., 

21, Kps. 3 & 4> IX. 

classified HTDEX to the AETIOLES PEtHTED. 281 

199. 8. — Prehistoric China. By Ernst Faber. N.S.^ 24 , p. 141. 

200. 9. — China 35 Centuries ago. By J. Edkins, N.S., 25^ 
p. 471. 

V. — Arohjiologt. 

201. I. — Inscription at Keu«*yung-kwan. By A. Wylie. N.S., 
I, Misc, I. 

202. 2. — The Remains of Ancient Kambodia. By Dr. Bastian. 

R. S., 2, VIII. 

203 . 3 T ablet at Hangchow recording the changing the Then 
Chu Tang (Catholic Church) into Then Hao Kung. By 
Christopher T. Gardner. N.S., 4, 11. 

204. 4.— The Tablet of Yu. By W. H. Medhurst. N.S., 5.VI. 

205. 5. — Inscription upon a Stone Tablet commemorating the 
repairs upon the Ch^'eng Hwang Miao. By D. B, McCartee. 
N.S., 6, XI. 

206. 6. — ^The Antiquities of Cambodjia. By J. Thompson. 
N.S., 7, IX. 

207. 7. — The Stone Drums of the Chou Dynasty. By 

S. W. Bushell. N.S., 8, VIII. 

208. 8. — Rock Inscriptions at the North Side of Yen-tai Hill. 
By J. Rhein. N.S., 14, II. 

209. 9. — The Miryeks, or ''Stone Men ” of Corea. N.S., 22 , 
Nos, 3 & 4, N. & Q. 

210. lOo — A Corean Monument to Manchu Clemency. By 
W. R. Caries. N.S., 23, p. i. 

211. II. — The Porcelain Pagoda of Nanking. By H. E. Hobson. 
N.S., 23, p. 31. 

212. 12. — The Preservation of the Nestorian Tablet. — Corres- 
pondence. N.S., 24 j p. 136. 

213. 13. — The Ancient Tombs and Burial Mounds of Japan. 
By Prof. Hitchcock. N.S., 26, p. 187. 


214, I. — Coins of the Present Dynasty of China. By A. Wylie. 
O S., I, III. 


215. 2. — Siamese Coinage. By Joseph Haas. N.S., 14, III. 

216. 3, — Coins of the Present Dynasty of China. By 
S, W. BushelL K.S., 15, H. 

217. 4. — Annam and its Minor Currency. By Ed. Toda, 
N.S., 17, IV. 

218. s. — Early Foreign Coins in China. By H. D. F. N.S., 
20, N. & Q. 

219. 6. — Corean Mints. By H. L, D. N.S,, 20^ N. & Q. 

VII. — Modeek Histoky. 

220. I. — Lecture on Japan. By S. W. Williams. O 3 ., 2 , V. 

221. 2. — ^Narrative of the American Embassy to Peking. By 
S. Wells Willliams. O.S., 3> VI. 

222. 3. — ^Record of Occurrences in China. O.S.^ 2 , XI and 3, 

223. 4. — ^Retrospect of Events in the North of China during 
1861 to 1864. By R. A. Jamieson. N.S., i, VII. 

224. 5. — ^Political Intercourse between China and Lewchew. 
By S, Wells Williams. N.S., 3, VI. 

225. 6. — Retrospect of Events in the Forth of China during 
1866. By Chas. H. Butcher N.S,, 3, IX, 

226. 7. — Chinese Chronological Tables. By Wm. Frederick 
Mayers. N.S., 4 , VIII. 

227. 8. — ^Retrospect of Events in China and Japan during 1867. 
By Thos. W. Kingsmill. F.S., 4, XIII. 

228. 9. — ^Retrospect of Events in China and Japan, during 1868. 
N.S., 5, X. 

229. 10. — On the Introduction and Use of Gunpowder and 
Firearms among the Chinese. By W. F. Mayers. 
N.S. 6, V. 

230. II. — Retrospect of Events in China and Japan during 1869 
and 1870. By J. M. Canny. N.S,, 6, XII. 

231. 12. — ^A Historical and Statistical Sketch of the Island of 
Hainan. By W. F. Mayers. N.S., 7, 1 . 

232. 13. — Retrospect of Events in China, etc. during 1871 and 
1872. N.S.,7,XIII. 

233* 14 — Recollections of China prior to 1840. By S. W. 
Williams. H.S., 8 , 1 . 


234. 15. — Extracts from the History of Shanghai, By 

a Schmidt. N.S., 8, HI. 

235. 16. — Brief Account of the French Expedition of 1866 into 
Indo-China. By S. A. Viguier. N.S., 8, V. 

236. 17. — Retrospect of Events in China for the year 1873. 
N.S„ 8, IX. 

237. 18. — Narrative of Recent Events in Tong-king. By 
Henri Cordier. N.S., 9, V. 

238. 19. — Retrospect of Events in China and Japan, for the 
year 1874. By James Thomas. N.S.^ 9^ VII. 

239. 20. — Short Notes on the Identification of the Yuh ti or 
Kiang Tribes of Ancient Chinese History. By 
T, W. Kingsmill. N.S., 10, III. 

240. 31. — ^Notices of the Mediaeval Geogi*aphy and History of 
Central and Western Asia. By E. Bretschneider, 
N.S., 10, IV. 

241. 22. — Retrospect of Events in China, for the year 1875. 
By Archibald J. Little. N.S., 10, V. 

242. 23. — Fort Zelandia, and the Dutch Occupation of Formosa, 
By H. E. Hobson. N.S., 11, 1 . 

243. 24. — ^Droughts in China, A.D. 620 to 1643. By Alex. 
Hosie. N.S., 12, III. 

244. 25. — The Intercourse of China with Central and Western 
Asia in the 2nd Century B.C. By Thos. W. Kingsmill. 
N.S , 14, 1 . 

245. 26. — ^TheHoppo-Bookof 1753. ByF. Hirth. N.S., i7,V. 

246. 27- — What did the Ancient Chinese know of the Greeks 
and Romans. By Joseph Edkins. N.S., 18 , 1 

247. 28. — ^The S^i'ica of Ptolemy and its Inhabitants. By Thos. 
W. Kingsmill. N.S., 19, Pt. II, II. 

248. 29. — The Tale-Lamas. By W. W. R. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

249. 30. — An Attempt to burn Books during the T^ang Dynasty, 
By H. A. Giles. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

250. 31. — ^Who was Pu-to-Ii ? By J. Edkins. N.S., 20, 
N. & Q. 

251. 32. — ^A false Beard worn by an Empress. By C. B. T. 
N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

352, 33. — ^A Burning-Lens sent to China. By C. B. T. 



253. 34. — Alphabetical List of the Dynastic and Reign Titles of 
Chinese Emperors. By G. M. H. Playfair N.S.^ 21 , 
Nos. I & 2, V. 

254. 35. — ^The Yueh-ti' or Massagetae. By J. Edkins. N.S., 
21 , Nos. 3 & 4^ N. & Q. 

255. 36. — ^The Ephthalites. By J. Edkins. N,S._, 21, Nos. 3 & 4, 
N. &Q. 

256. 37. — ^Manchu Relations with Tibet. By E. H. Parker. 
N.S., 21, Nos. 5 & 6 , XV. 

257. 38. — Notes on the Early History of the Salt Monopoly in 
China. By F. Hirth. N.S., 22, Nos. i & 2j IV. 

258. 39. — ^Names of Sovereigns of the Old Corean States, and 
Chronological Table of the Present Dynasty. By 
L. Nocentini. N.S., 22, Nos. i & 2, VII. 

259. 40. — On E. H. Parker’s Plistory of the Turco-Scythian 
Tribes. By Thos. W. Kinsgmill, N.S., 26, No. i, p, 120. 

260. 41. — Hung-wu and his Capital. By E. T. Williams. N.S., 
26, p. 142. 

VIIL— Mannbks, Constitution, 

261. I. — ^Funeral Rites at the obsequies of Takee. By Chas. 
H. Butcher. N.S., 2 , Misc. II. 

262. 2. — Description of the great Examination Hall at Canton. 
ByJ. G. Kerr. N.S., 3, IV. 

263. 3. — A short Sketch of the Chinese Game of Chess. By 
H. G. Hollingworth. N.S., 3, VIII. 

264. 4. — Note sur les petites Soci6t6s d' Argent en Chine. By 
G. Eug. Simon. N.S., 5, 1 . 

265. 5.— The Chinese Game of Ches^. ByK. Himly. N.S., 

266. 6. — The '^Mutton Wine” of the Mongols. By Dr. 
Macgowan. N.S,, 7, XII. 

267. 7* — On Chinese Names of Boats and Boat Gear with 
Remarks on the Chinese use of the Mariner’s Compass. 
By J. Edkins. N.S., 11 , IV. 

268. 8. — On ths Stone Figures at Chinese Tombs and the 
Offering of Living Sacrifices. By W. T. Mayers. N.S., 
12 , 1 . 


269. 9. — The Prevalence of Infanticide in China. N.S.^ 20 , II. 

270. 10. — Chinese Rudeness. By H. A. G. N.S.^ 20^ N. & Q. 

271. IX.— Chinese Land Measures. By T. W. K. N.S.. 20, 
N. &Q. 

272. 12. — ^Extinct Title. By G. M. H. P. N.S., 20^ N. & Q. 

273. 13. — Chinese Characters of Dress Ornaments. By 
G. M. H. P. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

274. 14. — Inspectorate of Customs in Peking. By H. A. G. 
N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

275 * 15. — Snuff in China. By F. H. N.S.j 20^ N. & Q. 

276. 16. — South-Pointing Needle. By C. B. T. N.S.^ 20, 
N. & Q. 

277. 17. — What is Filial Piety ? N.S., 20^ V. 

278. 18. — Is China a Conservative Country ? N.S., 20, VI. 

279. 19. — Guild Terrorism. ByG.M. H. P. N.S.^ 20, N. & Q. 

280. 20. — A Chinese Proverb about Ship's Crew. By F. H. 
N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

281. 21. — Military Superstition. ByC. B. T. N.S., 20/N. & Q. 

282. 22. — Mr. Nye on Filial Piety. By Gideon Nye. N.S., 
20, N. & Q. 

283. 23. — Does Public Opinion exist among Chinese? By 
R. K. N.S., 20, N. & Q, 

284. 24. — Histrionic Notes. By D. J. Macgowan. N.S., 21, 
Nos. I & 2, II. 

285. 25. — ^Proposed Administrative Changes in Formosa. By 
G. M. H. Playfair. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2 , N. & Q. 

286. 26. — The Family Names. By Herbert A. Giles. N.S., 
21 j Nos. 5 & 6, XIV. 

287. 27. — The Military Organisation of China prior to 1842. 
By E. H. Parker. N.S.^ 22, Nos. i & 2, 1 . 

288. 28. — Chinese Partnership : Liability of the Individual 
Members. N.S.^ 22, Nos. i & 2^ III. 

289. 29. — ^Notes on the Early History of the Salt Monopoly in 
China. By F. Hirth, N.S., 22, Nos. i & 2, IV. 

290. 30. — The Salt Revenue of China. By E. H. Parker. 
N.S.^ 22, Nos. I & 2, V. 

291. 31. — Salt Office in China. By E. H, P. N*S., 22 , 
Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. 


292. 32. — Manchu Horse-breeding Grounds, By E. H P 
N.S., 22, No. I & 2, N. & Q. 

293* 33-— Tenure of Land in China. By George Jamieson and 
others. N.S., 23^ p. 59. 

294. 34.— Chinese Chess. By Z. Volpicelli. N.S., 23, p. 248. 

295* 35* — Abstract of Information on Currency and Measures 
in China. By H. B. Morse. N.S., 24, p. 46. 

296. 36, — Wei-ch‘‘i. By Z. Volpicelli N.S., 26, No. i, p. 80. 

297. 37.— On the Condition of the Rural Population in 
China. N.S., 26, No. p. 126. 

298. 38.— Ancient Use of Wheels for the Propulsion of Vessels 
by the Chinese. By Z. Volpicelli. N.S., 26, No. i, p. 127. 

IX. — Biogeaphy. 

299. 1.— A Sketch of the Life of Confucius. By Joseph Edkins 
O.S., Vol. IL No. 1, 1. ^ 

300. 2.— Notices of Lok Ping Cheung /|§ H late Governor 
General of Sze>chuen. By C. F. Preston. N.S., 5, V. 

301. 3.— The Life and Works of Han Y'(i or Han Wen-kune* 
By T. Watters. N.S.^ 7, VII. 

302. 4.— Un Po^te Chinois au XVIIIe si^cle. Yuan Tseu-ts'ai 
sa vie et ses ceuvres. By C. Imbault-Huart. N.S lo' 
Pt. 2j 1 . 

303. 5.— In Memoriam : George Carter Stent ; General Gordon • 
Sir Harry Smith Parkes ; Rev. Canon Thomas McCIatchie 
N.S., 20. 

304 ‘ 



Kuo-fan. By C. I.-H. N.S., 20, 

N. & Q. 

7. — The Death of Yang Kuei-fei. By H. A. G. NS 20 

N. & Q. • ^ 

8. — In Memoriam : Alexander Wylie. By E. H P NS 

21^ Nos. 5 & 6. • . . 

307. 9.— Obituary ; Edward Colborne Baber. N.S., 24, p. 220. 

308. 10. — Obituary : Rev. Alexander Williamson, By J, Edkins. 
N.S., 24, p. 340. 


X. — Litbrart History akd Bibliography. 

309, j, — Chinese Bibliography. By D. J. Macgowan. O.S., 
2, III. 

310, 2. — The Christianity of Hung Tsiu Tsuen, a Review of 
Taiping Books. By Robert James Forrest. N.S., 4, IX. 

3 1 1, 3. — Notes on Col. Yule's Edition of Marco Polo's 

Quinsay, " By Rev. G. E. Moule, N.S., 9, 1. 

313. 4. — A Classified Index to the Articles printed in the Journal 
of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
from 1858 to 1874. By Henri Cordier. N.S., 9, VIII, 

313. 5,' — Chinesische Grammatik von Georg von der Gabel entz, 
By F. Hirth. N.S., 17, Bibl. 

314. 6. — Corea : Extracts from Mr, F. Scherzer’s French transla- 
tion of the Chao-ksie7i-chih, and Bibliographical Notice. 
By Charles Gould. N.S., 18, II. 

315. 7. — Literary -Items: Where Chineses Drive”; Student's 
Life in Peking. N.S., 20. 

316. 8. — ^List of Books and Papers on China, published since 
ist January 1884. By F. Hirth. N.S., 20, XII. 

317. 9. — Italian Sinologues. By L. Nocentini. N.S., 20, 
N. & Q. 

318. 10. — ^Notes on New Books and Literary Notes. N.S., 20, 
p. 289. 

319. ir. — Review. Buddha by Wm. Hoey. By Joseph Edkins. 
N.S., 21, Nos. 3 & 4, Lit. N. 

320. 12. — ''A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, by Dr. Legge.” 
By Herbert A. Giles. N.S., 21, Nos. 5 & 6, Lit. N. 

321. 13. — Dr. Legge and the ^^TsoChuan.” By Herbert A. 
Giles. N.S., 21, Nos. 5 & I-lt. N. 

322. 14. — ^Dr. Edkins on the '^Tao Te Ching.” By Herbert 
A. Giles. N.S., 21, Nos, 5 & 6, Lit. N. 

323. 15. — Chinese Books. By F. H. and J. Edkins. N.S., 21, 
Nos. 5 & 6, Lit, R. 

324. 16. — W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce au moyen-dge. By 
F. Hirth, N.S., 22, Ros. i & 2, Lit. N. 

325. 17. — Chinese Books. By F. Hirth. R.S., 2?, Nos. i & 2, 
Lit. R. 

326. 18. — A new Historical Work ^ 1 } Sheng hifln). By 
J, Edkins .S., 22 , Nos. 3 & 4; 

288 OLASSmBP indbx to the abtiolbs pkinteo. 

327. ip.—Essay on Manchu Literature. By P, G. von 
MCllendorff. N.S, 24, p. i. 

328. 20.— An Expounder of Dark Sayings. Chuang-Tsii/' by 
Herbert A. Giles. By G. M. H. Playfair. N.S.,24, p. 224, 

329. 21. — A Classified Index to the Articles printed in the 
Journal of the (North-) China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, from the Foundation of the Society, 1858, to the 
end of 1893. By Joseph Haas. N.S., 26, p. 246. 


330. I. — Cotton in China. By D. B. Robertson. O.S., 3, IV. 

331. 2. — Font of Chinese moveable Types belonging to the 
American Presbyterian Mission Press. By William Gamble. 
N.S., i,Misc. V. 

332. 3. — China Grass. By Robert Jarvie. ^N.S., 2 , Misc. I. 

333. 4. — Notes on the North of China, its Productions and 
Communications. By A, Williamson. N.S., 4, III. 

334« 5* — Carte Agricole generale de TEmpire Chinois. By 

G. Eug. Simon. N.S., 4, X. 

33 S* 6. — Sur les Institutions de Credit en Chine. By G. Eug. 
Simon. N.S.,. 6, IV. 

336. 7. — Chinese Chemical Manufactures. By F. Porter Smith. 
N.S., 6,TX. 

337. 8. — ^List of the Principal Tea Districts in China. By 

H. G, Hollingworth. N.S., 10, Ap. I. 

338. 9. — Samshu-Brewing in North China. By H. B. Guppy. 
N.S., 18, VII. 

339. 10.— Trade Routes of Western China. By Alex. Hosie. 
N,S., 19, Pt. I, VI. 

340. ii.—Western Appliances in the Chinese Printing In- 
dustry. By F. Hirth. N.S., 20, VIII, 

341. 12. — Foreign Art in China. By Gideon Nye. N.S., 20, 
N. & ,Q. 

342. 13, — Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trade 
Unions. By D.. J. Macgowan* N.S., 2X, Nos. .3 & 4, 


343. 14. — Remarks on the Production of Salt in China. By 
P. Zwehtkoff. Retranslated by W. R. Carles. N.S., 22, 
Nos. I & 2^ VI. 

344. 15. — Cement for Pasting Porcelain. ByF. H. N.S., 22, 
Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. 

345. 16. — Ancient Porcelain. By F. Hirth. N.S.^ 22, Nos. 3 
& 4, VIII. 

346. 17. — ^An alleged old Import of Porcelain in Europe, By 
F. Hirth. N.S., 23,N.&0. 

347. 18. — Inland Communications in China. N.S.^ 27. 



Acheson^ J. N,S., 20, V. 

Agassiz, A. N.S., 24, pp. 72, 82. 

Alabaster, C. N.S., 20, II, V, in Mem. ; 22, Nos. i & 2, III. 
Allen, C. F. R. N.S., 20, II, V. 

Allen, Herbert J. N.S., 20, V, IX ; 21, 1 , VI, IX, XL 
Andrew, Rev. G. N.S., 23, p. 92. 

Anderson, Geo. C. N.S., 16, Misc.; 17, III. 

Baber, Edward Colborne. N.S., 24, p. 221. 

Bagnall, Rev. R. N.S., 23, p. 89. ; 27, p. 153, etc. 

Balfour, Frederic H. N.S., 15, HI ; 20, II, V, IX. 

Bamford, Rev. Alfred J, N.S., 20, V ; 21, Nos. i & 2, I. 
Barchet, Dr. S. P. N.S., 34, pp. 57, 80, 94, 98. 

Bastian, Dr. (A.) N.S., 2, VIII. 

Beal, (S.) N.S., 20, Lit. 

Becquevort, Pere E. de. N.S., 27, p. 158. 

Beecher, H. M. N.S., 32, Nos. i 8 c 2, IL 
Bickmore, Albert S. N.S., 4, 1 ; 5, IV. 

Bland, Rev. Alfred. N.S., 27, p. 31. 

Boden, Rev. F. N.S., 33, p. 102. 

Bone, Rev. C. N.S., 24, pp. 71, 81, 82, 94, 104. 

Boucher, Pere. N.S., 27, p. 130, etc. 

Brazier, J. S. N.S., 21, Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q. 

Brenan, Byron. N.S., 22, Nos. i & 2, III. 

Bretschneider, E. N.S., 10, IV ; 15, 1 ; 16, III ; 25, p. i. 
Bridgman, Rev. E. C. O.S., 1 , 1 ; 3, 1 . 

Brown, Rev. George Graham. N.S., 37, pp. 25, etc. 

Brown, Rev. S. R. N.S,, 2, IV ; 3, III. 



Bullockj T, L. N.S., 20, 11 . 

Burnett^ Rev. W. E. N-S., 23 , p. 93 ; 27 , p. 157, etc. 

Bushell, S. W. N.S., 8, VIII ; 15, IL 
Butcher, Rev. Chas. H. N.S., 2 , Misc. II ; 3, IX. 

Calder, Capt. Jno. N.S., 27 , p. 181. 

Camajee, D. N. N.S., 9, II. 

Canny, J. M. N,S., 1, VI ; 6, XII. 

Carl, Francis A. N.S., 27, pp. 92. 

Carles, W. R. N.S., 2X, Nos. 5 & 6, Proc.; 22, Nos. i & 2, 
VI ; 23, p. 1. 

Collins, Varnum D, N.S., 2, V. 

Cooper, W. M. N.S., 20, IL 
Cordier, Henri. N.S., 9, V ; 9, VIIL 
Coulthard, Rev. J. J. N.S., 27, p. 152, etc. 

Courtney, Charles F. A. O.S., Vol. II, No. 1 , VIIL 

David, Pere Armand. N.S., 7, X. 

Debrix, Pdre. N.S., 24, p. 89. 

Dechrevens, Rev. M. N.S,, 16, IV* 

Dennys, H. L, N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

Dennys, N. B. N.S., 8, VII. 

Dickson, Dr. W. N.S., 1, III. 

Drew, E. B, N.S., 20, pp. 58 & loi* 

Dymond, Rev. F. J. N.S., i, 27, pp. 75. 

Easton, Rev. C. F. N.S., 27, pp, 29, etc. 

Editorial Committee. O.S., 1 , VII ; Vol. II, No. 1, X. 

Edkins, Rev. J. O.S., i, V ; 2, II ; 3, V ; Vol. II, No. i, I, IV \ 
N.S., 2, VI ; 4, XII ; 8, VI ; 11 , IV ; 18, 1 ; 20, II, V, IX, 
N. Q. J 21, Nos. I & 2, N. & Q. ; Nos. 3 & 4, X, N. & Q. ; 
Lit. N.; Nos. 5 & 6, Lit. N.; 22, Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q., 
Lit. N. ; 24, pp. 253, 340 ; 25, p. 471 ; 26, p. 213. 

Edwards, Major. N.S., i, Misc. IL 

Eitel, E. J. N.S., 6, III ; 20, p. 63. 



Ellias, Ney. N.S., 4, VI ; 5, IX. 

Emens, W. S. N.S., 24, pp. 75 , 79 * 

Faber, Rev. Ernst. N.S., 21, Nos. i <& 2, I; 24, p. 141 ; 25, 
pp. 402, 473- 

Falke, Jacob von, N.S., 20, Lit., p. 66. 

Fauvel, A. A. N.S., 13, 1 . 

Fedorovitch, Capt. J. O.S., 2, X. 

Fielde, Miss A. M. N.S., 23, p. no. 

Foike, Rev. Erik. N.S., 27, pp. 33, etc. 

Foote, Capt, A. H. O.S., i, VI. 

Forrest, Robert James. N.S,, 4, IX. 

Foncar, Rev. F. J. N.S., 23, p. 116. 

Fraser, E. H. N.S., 25, p. 479 i 26, No. i, p. i. 

Fries, S. Ritter von, N.S., 20, Lit. p. 65 ; 21, Nos. i & 2, 1 ; 24, 
p. 303. 

Fritsche, Dr. H. N.S.> 12, VI. 

Fryer, John. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2, L 

Gabelentz, Georg von der, N.S., 20, Lit. p. 65, XL 

Gain, Pdre L. N.S., 24, pp. 69, 80, 94 ; 27, p. 118, etc. 

Gamble, William. N.S., i, Misc. V. 

Gandar, P 5 re. N.S., 27, p. 113, etc. 

Gardner, Christopher T, N.S.,- 4, II ; 19, Pt. I, I ; 22, HI. 

Gibson, Rev, J. C. N.S., 24, pp. 71, 88, 103. 

Giles, Herbert A. N.S., 17 , 1 ; 20, I, N. & Q., V, IX ; 21, Nos. i 
& 2, N. & Q., Lit. N. ; 21, Nos. 5 & 6, XIV, Lit. N. ; 22, 
m ; 24, p. 224. 

Gilman, Rev. F. P. N.S., 24, pp. 74, 89 ; 27, p. 95. 

Gordon, General. N.S., 20, in Mem. 

Gould, Charles, N.S., 18, 11. 

Groot, J. J. M. de. N.S., 26, pp. ro8, 210. 

Grunauer, L. N.S., 24, pp. 81, 89. 

Gulick, Rev. Dr, N.S., 20, V, 

Guppy, H. B. N.S., 16, 1, II ; 17, II ; 18, VI, VII. 



Haas, Joseph. N.S., 14, III ; 26, p. 267. 

Hallifax, T. E. N.S., 24, p. 73, 307, 

Hamer, Mgr. F. H. N.S., 24, pp. 65, 78, 86, loi. 

Happer, jr., A. P. N.S., 24, pp. 72, 82, 89, 98, 104 ; 27, p. 74. 
Harlez, Ch. de. N.S., 20, Lit. p. 66. 

Havret, Pere H. N.S., 27, p. 116. 

Henderson, James. N.S., 1, IT, V. 

Henry, Augustine. N.S., 22, X. 

Himly, K. N.S., 6, VI ; 20, Lit. p. 66. 

Hirth, F. N.S., 17, V, Bibl. ; 20, II, N. & Q., VIII, XII ; 21, 
Nos. 5 & 6, Lit. N.; 22, VIII, IX; 33. N. & Q. 

Hitchcock, Prof. N.S., 26, p. 187. 

Hoang, Rev. Peter. N.S., 23, p. 118 ; 24, pp. 5^^ ^9) ^7^ 93> 
Hobson, H. E. N.S., 11, 1 ; 33, p. 31. 

Hogg, Rev. C. F. N.S,, 24, pp. 65, 75, 77 i 27, p. 15. 

Holcombe, Rev. C. N.S., 10, II. 

Hollingworth, H, G. N.S., i, Misc. IV ; 3, VIII ; 10, Ap. L 

Hoppe, Johan H. N.S., 27, p. 93. 

Horobin, Rev. C. N.S., 27, pp. 28, 33, etc. 

Hosie, Alex. N.S., 12, III, IV; 19, Pt. I, VI. 

Huart, C. Imbault-. N.S., 18, IV; 19, Pt. II, -I ; 20, II, N. & 
Qv ix. 

Hughes, P. J. N.S., 30, 11. 

Hunt, J. H. N.S., 24, p, 105. 

Jamieson, Geo. N.S., 20, V ; 22, III ; 23, pp. 59, 97* 

Jamieson, R. A. N.S., i, VII ; 2, VII, Misc. V ; 20, II ; 21, I. 
Jarvie, Robert. N.S., 3, Misc. I. 

Jenkins, Dr. B. N.S., 5, III. 

Jensen, Chr. N.S., 27, pp. 62. 

Johnson, Rev, J. F. N.S,, 23, p. 106. 

John, Rev, Griffith. 0,S., VoL II. No. i, II. 



Kerr,J. G. N.S.,3.IV. 

Kingsmill, Thos. W. N,S., 2, K, IX;3, VII; 4, XIII; 5, II; 
7, V; 8; II; 10, III;'’ii^ Inaug. Addr.;i2, V; 13, IV; 
14, 1; 19, Pt. II, II ; 20, II, N. & Q., in Mem.; 21, Nos, 
I & 3, Lit. N. ; 26, pp, 44, 120, 126, 182 ; 27, pp. 1-183. 

Klein wiichter, George. N.S., 18, III. 

Kurita, Manjiro. N.S., 20, Lit. N. p. 64. 

Lachlan, Rev. H. N. N.S., 27, p. 115, etc. 

Lamprey, Dr. N.S., 2, Misc. IV. 

Legge, Dr. James. N.S., 21, Nos. 5 & 6, Lit. N. 

Lin dan, Rudolph. N.S., 1, 1. 

Little, Archibald J. K.S., 10, V; 18, VIII. 

Lockhart, J. H. Stewart. N.S., 21, Nos. i & 2, Lit. N, 

Macgowan, D. J. O.S., i, IV; 2, III; 3, III; Vol. II, No. i, III; 
N.S., 6, VII; 7, XI, XII; 9, VI ; 20, II, IX ; 21, I, II, VIII ; 
H, PP- S4> 70, 81, 234 ; 36, p. 129 ; 27, p. 144. 

Macintyre, Rev. John. N.S., 20, II, V ; 21, IV; 22, HI. 

Mak, Sze che. N.S., 34, pp. 81, 105 ; 27, p. 106. , 

Markham, John. N.S., 6, 1. 

Martin, Rev. W. A. P. N.S., 3, II ; ll. III ; 20, II, V; 21, 1. 
Mateer, C. W. N.S., 21, I. 

Mayers, Wm. Fredk. N.S., 4, VIII ; 6, II, V; 7, 1 ; 12, 1. 

McCartee, D. B. N.S., 3, V; 6, XI. 

Medhurst, Rev. C. S. N.S., 23, p. 85, 

Medhurst, W. H. N.S., 5, VI ; 30, in Mem. 

Meerdervoort, Thr. J, L. C. Pompe van. O.S., 2, VI; Vol. II, 
No. I, V. 

Mesny, General. N.S., 20, II ; 25, p. 481. 

Metzger, E.\N.S., 20, Lit. p. 65. 

MOllendorfF, O. F. von. N.S., 11, II ; 22, Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q. 
MQllendorfF, P. G. von. N.S., 13, III ; 23, III ; 24, p. i. 

Moore, Commander. N.S., 23, p. 185. 

Morrison, G. James. N.S., 18, V, 



Morse, H. B. N.S., 24, p. 46 ; 27, p. 93, 

Muirhead, Rev. W. N.S., 21, 1 . 

Moule, Right Rev. G. E. N.S., 6, VIII ; 7, VI ; 9, I ; 19, Pt. I, 
V; 20, II, V; 21, p. 105. 

Moule, Ven. A. E. N.S., 20, II, V; 21, L 

Nicolson, Sir F. W* O.S., 1, II. 

Nocentini, L. N.S., 20, VII ; N. & Q ; 22, VIL 

Nye, Gideon. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

Owen, Rev. G. S. N.S., 20, V. 

Owen, Rev. Gray. N.S. 27, pp. 55. 

Oxenham, E. L. N.S., 23, p. 286. 

Palladius, Rev. Archim. N.S., lo, I. 

Parker, E. H. N.S., 12, TI ; 19, Pt. 1, II, III, IV; 20, V ; 21, 
Nos. 5 & 6, XV, in Mem.; 22, Nos. i & 2, 1 , III, V, N. & 
Q.; Nos. 3 & 4,App.;24,pp.7o, 81,87, 98,289; 26, p. 120. 

Parker, Rev. G. N.S., 24, pp, 56, 64, 78 ; 27, pp. 23, etc. 

Parkes, Sir Harry Smith. N.S,, 20, in Mem. 

Perkins, Rev. H, P. N.S., 24, p. 85. 

Pettus, T. F. N.S., 24, p, 80. 

Phillips, George. N.S., 20, X ; 21, III ; 23, pp. 23, 107 ; 27, p. 99. 
Pigott, T. W. N.S., 27, pp. 157, etc. 

Piry. N.S., i, Misc, IV. 

Playfair, G. M. H. N.S., 20, III, N. & Q., V, IX ; 21, Nos. i & 
2, 1 , V, N. & Q.; Nos. 3 & 4, N. & Q.; 24, pp. 221, 224. 

Poell, Rev. M, N.S., 24, pp. 77, 98. 

Polo, Marco. N.S., 9, 1 ; 10, 1 . 

Preston, Rev. C. F. N.S., 5, V. 

Prschewalski, N. von. N.S., 20, Lit. p. 66. 

Pryer, W. B. N.S., 4,V. 

Reid, Rev. Gilbert. N.S., 24, pp. 77, 85^ loi ; 27, pp. 159, etc. 
Rhein^ J. N.S.; 14, II ; 20, IX. 



Richards, Rev. T. N.S., 23, p, 82. 

Richthofen, Ferd. Freiherr von, N.S,, 20, Lit. p. 65, 
Robertson, D. B, O.S., 3, IV. 

Rockhill, W. W. N.S., 20, N. & Q. 

Ross, Rev. John. N.S., 23, p, 79. 

Russell, W.B. N.S., 24, p. 76. 

Sampson, Theo. N*S., 20, V. 

Scherzer, F, N.S., 18, 11 . 

Schmidt, Rev. C. N.S., 8, III. 

Schott, W, N.S,, 20, Lit. p. 66. 

Schulze, F. W. N.S., 13, 11 . 

Shadwell, Capt. C, F. A. O.S., 2, VII; Vol. II, No. i, VII. 
Shock, Wm. H. O.S., Vol. 11 , No. i, VI. 

Simon, G. Eug, N.S., 4, X ; 5, I, VII ; 6 , IV. 

Smith, F. Porter. N.S,, 6, IX. 

Spence, W. Donald. N.S., 20, V. 

Stein, L. von. N.S., 20, Lit. p. 66. 

Stent, George Carter. N.S., 7, IV, VIII ; 11 , V; 20, in Mem. 
Stevenson, Rev. O. N.S., 27, pp. 61, etc, 

Stronach, W. T. N.S., 2, Misc. III. 

Swinhoe, Robert. O.S., 2, 1 , VIII ; 3, II ; N.S., 2, III ; 7, II, III. 
Syle, Rev. E. W. O.S., 2, IV. 

Taintor, E. C. N.S., 9, III. 

Taylor, C. H. Brewitt- N.S., 20, IX; 21, 1 . 

Taylor, F. E. N.S., 20, V, N. & Q. 

Thomas, Rev. James. N.S., 9, VII. 

Thompson J. N.S., 7, IX. 

Toda,Ed. N.S., I7,IV. 

Turner, Rev, C. Polhill- N.S., 27, pp. 27, etc. 

Vanstone, Rev. T. G. N.S., 27, pp. 55, 61. 



Viguier, S. A. N.S. 8, V. 

Volpicelli, Z. N.S., 23, p. 248 ; 26, pp. 80, 127. 

Ward, Capt. John. O.S., 2, IX. 

Watters, T. N.S., 4, XI ; 7, VII ; 8 , IV; 9, IV. 

Wichmann, H. N.S., 20, Lit. p. 66. 

Wilds, Edward. N.S., i, Misc. III. 

Williams, Rev. E. T. N.S., 24, pp. 65, 79, 86, loi ; 26, p. 142 ; 
27, pp. 116, etc. 

Williams, S. Wells. O.S., 2, V; 3, VI; N.S., 3- VI; 6, X; 8, 1. 
Williamson, Rev. A. N.S., 3» I ; 4. HI, IV; 21, 1 , 24, Obit. 
Winkler, Dr. H. N.S., 20, Lit. p. 65. 

Wright, T. W. N.S., 27, p. 13 • 

Wylie, A. O.S., 1 , HI ; N.S., 1 , IV, Misc. I ; 4, VII ; 5, VIII ; 
21, Nos. 5 & 6, in Mem. 

Yadruntseff, M. N. N S., 26, p. 190. 

Yule, Col. N.S., 9 . 1 . 

Zwehtkoff, Archim. P. N.S., 22, VI. 

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.-—The Salt Administkation op Ssuch'uan 1 

.—Eaely Portuguese Commerce and Settlements in China 33 



A great deal has been written on the subject of Salt in 
China, and in this part of the Empire more especially travellers 
have not tired of studying and describing the manner of 
boring the salt-wells, of evaporating the brine, etc. etc., so 
that little that is new could now be added to our knowledge. 

The system of distribution, on the other hand, and the 
administration of the gabelle, are not so well understood, and 
where figures have been given, these seem to have been little 
more than guesses. It is therefore with a view to supplying 
more accurate information on these points that the following 
pages are submitted. They are based almost exclusively on 
the Ssiich^uan Yen-fa-Qldli a voluminous 

government publication, compiled under the auspices of that 
distinguished Viceroy Ting Pao-chcn which 

received the Imperial imprimatur in 1882 , I know of no 
statistical work in this country so handsomely got up, so well 
illustrated, and at the same time so exhaustive, and it affords 
me pleasure to transmit a copy of it for the library of the 
Society. It will furnish abundant material to anyone wishing 
to go more fully into the subject, and will also, I hope, do 
away with the necessity of entering into many details in the 
present sketch. 




In a paper on tlie Early History of the Salt Monopoly of 
China, contributed to this Journal in 1887, Dr. Hirth has 
collected the earlier references to our subject, and shown that, 
in other parts of the Empire, the taxation of salt commenced 
as early as the 7th century B.c. It wtis different in 
Ssuoh^uau. This country continued in primitive savagery 
until long afterwards. It \Yas .covered with forest and jungle, 
haunted by the bear and the tiger, the wild ox and tlie 
rhinoceros, and inhabited by savage tribes which were tlieiij 
as many of their descendants are even now, ignorant of the 
luxury of a salted meal. And it was not until the Chhin-cli‘iu 
period, when the rising state of (didn (^) had annexed 
Pa (£5) and Shu (l§) — embracing the Northern half of our 
province — that the territory was gradually peopled hy Cdiinese 
settlers who brought with them their civilising influence. 
The first mention of salt as an indigenous product, contained 
in the ITiLa^yang-lmo-chih (-3)^ gj ^), refers to the reign 
of Hsiao Wcn-wang ^ EE, R.C. 2-ld), and ascribes the 

opening of a salt-well in the Ivuaiig-tu (^| ^[5, South of the 
present Clfleng-tu) district to Li Ping governor of 

Shu, who seems to have done more than anj’-one else to 
develop the resources of the province, and is to this day 
•worshipped as its special patron saint (jj[ 

Daring the Han dynasty the industry made rapid progress, 
and we read of an early law forbidding the clandestine manu- 
facture of salt under the penalty of confiscating the implements, 
besides cutting off' the left big toe of every offender. It 
appears that the government made a monopoly of tlie evapor- 
ating pans and ovens, and the people who made use of these 



paid in return a certain proportion of the yield. This is the 
origin and earliest form of the well-tax. 

During the reign of Wii-ti b.c. 140 to 86) a fierce 

war took place in council over the taxation of salt, in which 
the famous Kung-sun Hung Mayeks, 287) took a 

leading part. The party advocating continued taxation finally 
carried the day, but the collection of the tax during that and 
the following dynasties remained irregular and spasmodic. 

In the T^ang dynasty the monopoly of pans and ovens was 
given up, — manufacturers provided these for themselves ; but 
a well-tax |3I) was levied instead, which was regulated by 
tlie annual output. The wells numbered 641, and the manu- 
factured article was allowed free circulation. The revenue 
was under the control of the three Iisun‘-^i(an-kuan ( ^ '^ ) 
— corresponding to the present fcn-Iisiin-tao ’ 5M) — 

who were responsible for it to the Tu-chih-shih (j^ ^ f^) 
or minister of finance. 

Early in the Sung dynasty a special high officer stjded 
Ch^a-yen ehih-chih shill ^ rfjll M) created for 

the administration of the tea and salt trades, and in 1001 the 
province was first divided into the four circuits (i^) of I-chou 
Ch‘eng-tu), SzTi-chou Thing-ch^uan), Li-chou 

Pao-ning) and K^ui-chou — each under a 

Chuan-yun-shili ($§ IS fl^) superintendent of trade — 
which, being collectively known as the Ssii’-chhian-lu (^9 jlljf^)? 
gave the province its present name. 

We now meet for the first time wdth the term (^|), 
meaning a permit or pass, so conspicuous in all subsequent 
codes of regulations. In 992 [Shun-hua, o], the^ country 
being engaged in war on the Northern frontier, and money 
being scarce, supplies to the army -svere paid for by orders 
(ifin) for surplus salt from the great salt districts in the 
Eastern provinces. This irregular procedure soon became the 
approved system of taxation, and as such it was introduced in 


Ssiicli'uan in 1132 [Sliao-hsing, 2]. On payment of the salt 
dtity(gfl^) merchants received permits for the quantities 
they required, and ■with these proceeded to the salt districts to 
make their purchases. The manufacture took place under 
the supervision of officers called chien (^), and a well-tax 
was levied as before. Here then we have two dis- 
tinct taxes (^1^) on the same article, one collected from 
the producer, the other from the trade ; but there was as yet 
no other restriction to the movements of the produce. 

This system continued with but little alteration through the 
Tuan dynasty. In 1230 however the yin was fixed at 4Q0 
catties, and henceforward we have fairly accurate statistics. 
In 1285 the production is given at 10,451 yin or poculs 
41,804 ; in 1380 it had increased to 28,910 yin or peculs 

During the Ming dynasty the control became much stricter, 
and a complicated official apparatus was created for the 
purpose. At first a hsiln-yen yil-sliili ^ 1!^) was 

deputed to every salt-producing province, and in 1372 a 
superintendent-general of the tea and salt trades ( ^ ® 

® JS IS ) appointed to Ssuch‘uan with head-quarters at 
Ch^6ng-tu. During Hung-wu [1868 to 1399] permits were 
issued to the extent of peculs 101,274 per annum, while the 
well-tax was calculated on an outturn of peculs 16’0,699. 
During Hung-chih [1488 to 1506] the permits had increased 
to peculs 2 OI 576 O. In 1558 finally, the well-tax was regulated 
according to the number of ym issued, and the figures of the 
two departments thus harmonised. The production for the 
same year was returned at 89,263 yin or peculs 357,052. 

Since the accession of the Mancha dynasty [1644] the 
supreme control of the gabelle has been vested in the Governor- 
General. Until 1748, the provinces of Shanhsi and Ssuch^uan 
had one Governor-General between them. In that year, 
however^ a viceregal post ^vas created in Ssiich^uan, and with 



it the office of Grovernor ^), as well as the supreme 
control of the salt administration, were united 
In 1674 a Grain Intendent liad been appointed to 

the province, who had charge of the Salt-tax Department 
under the Governor- General, bnt the post was again abolished 
in 1686, and has not been revived since. The duties connected 
with the salt administration were then transferred to the 
provincial Judge ^), who had also control of the 
government mail service ; but he was again relieved of these 
extra functions by the creation in 1779 of an additional inten- 
dency (Ip aE)* In 1779 finally a special Commissioner 
for the tea and salt administration ^ appointed, 

the duties connected with the government mail service revert- 
ing to the Chief Judge, and this arrangement has continued 
ever since. 

The state of anarchy and rebellion into which the West 
of China was thrown towards the end of the last, and in 
the beginning of the present dynasty, the butcheries and 
devastation caused first by Chang Hsien-chung (3^ 
and his army of freebooters, and subsequently by Wu 
San-kui 3 S) ^'^nd bis followers, and no less by the 
reconquest and merciless suppression at the hands of the 
Imperialist foi'ces, had left this province in a state of utter 
exhaustion and ruin. The salt industry and trade had come 
to a complete standstill, and many years were required ere the 
country was repeopled by immigration from the East, in- 
dustrial enterprises were I'evived and trade routes reopened. 
It was not until the reign of Yung-cheng that the attempt w^as 
made to resuscitate the salt revenue, and when it was made, 
it was met by a most determined opposition. The tax, though 
amounting to Taels 42,997 only, was repudiated on the plea 
that, owing to depopulation, there was no market for the 
produce, and the protest was supported by the body of 
officials who dx'ew great profit from the unsettled state of 



the administration. A new census was therefore ordered to 
be made, and it was proposed that the supply of salt should be 
calculated on the basis of a dally consumption of 5 mace 
weight per head. After much delay the local resistance was 
finally overcome by the threat of adopting the last census of 
the Ming dynasty, and by the year 17d2 the government was 
at last enabled to introduce the now system, whicli has since 
been described as Kuan-tu sliang-'lisiao ( § H!!] It) and 
which is briefly as follows: — 

Of the 135 districts into which the province was divided, 
iO were salt producing, 99 consuming only. The salt-wells 
numbered 6,116, and the annual production was returned at 
peculs 922,778. The 3 /m had been fixed in 1651 in such a 
manner that a distinction was made, between Iliver pennibs 
(7lC Bl) shipped by river, and Land permits g| ) 

for salt carried overland. The former covered 50 packages, 
the latter 4. The package was nominally 1 pecul net, bub 15 
per cent, were allowed for loss in transit. Deducting this 
allowance from the gross production, there remained a net 
supply of peculs 802,416, which was taxed at the rate of 
Taels 0.0681, per pecul, making the revenue thereon Taels 
54,644. For this amount permits were henceforth issued by 
the Board of Bevenue, and the Goyernor-Greneral became 
personally responsible for its collection. The permits were 
distributed among the districts according to fixed allotment 
m HI) based on the census, and the magistrate of each 
district, while inviting merchants to undertake the conveyance 
and sale of the salt, was directly charged with the supervision 
of the trade and the collection of the salt-tax. 

Provision having been made for increasing the supply of 
any district when needeil, the revenue improved considerably 
during the period of Chden-iung, but received several checks 
during the present century. At first the system described 
worked fairly well, but its shortcomings were evolved in due 



com'se of tim3 ^ :§•). Heavy guarantees Leing taken 

from meroliants engaging in the salt trade, and the price of salt 
being determined by official authority, substantial firms were 
not invariably found willing to deal with an article so closely 
controlled. In salt-producing districts more especially the 
trade was threatened with loss on account of the competition 
created by the private sale of so-called surplus salt ^), 
that is, salt produced in excess of the fixed supply, and which 
was therefore not covered by permit, bnt was allowed to be 
retailed in small quantities. In other places again, where the 
sale was more lucrative, there was indeed no lack of applicants, 
but the privilege, once obtained, was transmitted from gener- 
ation to generation, tbe permits loaned to irresponsible 
speculators who, aided and abetted by corrupt officials, requi- 
sitioned the supplies from the cheapest sources and conveyed 
them to the best markets without discrimination or regard to 
their proper destinations. In other words, though the fiction 
of doling out in paternal fashion this necessary of life was 
kept up, the trade, like a river propelled by its own gravity, 
sought out its own natural channel. The result was in every 
case the same — an accumulation of unclaimed permits and a 
consequent deficit in the revenue. The territorial officials 
of the districts concerned, being held personally responsible 
for the amounts outstanding, had only one remedy to fall back 
upon. The salt-tax was added to, and collected simnltaneonsly 
with, the poll-tax (f^TT)? permits being withheld, and 
the salt supply made dependent on the surplus production of 
the nearest salt districts. In 1850 the districts supplied in 
this manner numbered 31, and were subsequently added to 
to the number of 42. 

We now come to the last important change in the salt 
administration of Ssuchhian. The system hitherto in force was 
completely disorganised when, during Hsien-feng, Hupei and 
Hunan, ordinarily supplied with Huai salt, were cut off from 



the maritime provinces hy the “T^ai-p^ing” rebellion. Various 
proposals were made by the governments of Hu-kuang and 
Ssu~ch‘uan for arranging a modus opemndi for the temporary 
supply of the saltless provinces, but each scheme proposed 
fell through in turn. In the meantime salt had reached 
famine prices in Hu-kuang, and it became impossible to 
prevent an illegitimate trade springing up and rapidly as-^ 
suming alarming dimensions. Salt works were pushed, manu- 
facture was hastened, and the salt shipped down I'iver as fast 
as it could be turned out. Rules and regulations were for- 
gotten or ignored, and whole fleets of salt-junks dropped down 
the gorges, manned and armed as if for piratical expeditions 
or the encounter of an enemy. In 1854 therefore a likiii 
office was established at Icli'ang, where a duty of 1^ U or 21- 
cash was levied per catty. In the following year a second 
office, branch of the last, was opened at Sha-shih, where the 
salt was mostly disposed of, and a duty of 4| cash per catty 
levied from the purchaser. 70,000 to 80,000 strings of cash 
were collected every month. In 18 G I the duty at Sha-shih was 
increased by 2 cash, and at Ich^ang by 1 cash, but at the 
latter place, where payment was nominally in silver, 5 cash were 
actually charged instead of 3^ per catty. In 1864, river com- 
munication having been restored, the Huai provinces reasserted 
their right to the supply of Hu-kuang, With a view therefore 
to repressing the importation of salt from Ssuch^ian, the salt- 
tax was further augmented by 3 cash at Sha-shih, and by 
2 cash at Ich^ang, half the proceeds being surrendered to the 
Hupei treasury, half given up to the Chiang-nan government. 
1 cash being also taken at Ich^ang, and | cash at Sha-shih for 
barrier expenses, the import duty amounted in all to 18 cash 
per catty. In spite of this heavy taxation the Ssiich^uan 
produce could not for many jmars be driven out of the market, 
owing, it is said, to its very superior quality. When the 
duty had reached its highest level, it was found that Sha-shih 



was largely evaded by consignments not actually destined for 
consumption there, and in 1867 the two offices were therefore 
amalgamated, duty being charged at Ich^ang at the rabe of 
18 cash per catty, and the salt allowed free circulation after 
the one payment. A check barrier was also established at 
Pa-tung PIsien (Q and examination barriers at P‘ing- 

shampa (^p ^ and, duidng high water, at Thm-chia-t^o 
Ip all above Ich^ang. The receipts amounted to about 
2 million strings per annum, and the 1 J cash paid for barrier 
expenses alone realised some 200,000 strings, barely half of 
which could be expended. 

Efforts had been made in the meantime on the Ssuchffian , 
side also to either suppress a traffic which threatened to drain 
off a prime soui'ce of revenue, or to share in its profits. In 
1851, therefore, the price of salt ruling very high, the exporters 
of salt were prevailed upon to agree to a tax, payable at place , 
of production, of 1 U per catty or Taels 8 per river permit, 
Taels 2.75 of which were borne by the producer, and 
Taels 5.25 by the merchant. Exempt from this tax were the 
districts in which the salt-tax was absorbed in the poll-tax, 
and one or two other districts. Special offices were established 
in the most important manufacturing centres, aild deputies 
or local officials entrusted with the superintendence in others. 
Tn the following year the duty on surplus salt exported was 
raised to 4 cash a catty, while salt covered by permits con- 
tinued to pay at the old rate. 

In 1855 the Salt Office of Kffii-chou-fu was established, and 
duty was here charged on surplus salt exported to Hupei at 
the I'ate of Taels 0.13 per peciil. In order to bring the salt 
of Ta-ning-hsien (below K‘ui-fu) within the radius of taxation, 
a second office was opened at K^ung-wang-t^o ^ in 
the Wu-shan district. The collection of the two stations during 
the first years of their existence was about Taels 120,000 per 




In 1860 the Salt Office of Chungking was opened, and 
barriers were established at Hsiang-kuo-ssu on the 

tributary, 10 U above Chungking, and at T^ang-chia-t^o ( ^ 
^ on the main river, 25 U below the city. The tariff 
was the same as at present [see below']. 

The three offices together collected about Taels 1,100,000 
in the year, 5 per cent, being retained by each office for local 
expenditure. This handsome revenue, however, did not last 
long, and when the river communication with the Eastern 
provinces was restored, it dwindled away, the explanation 
given being that exportations of salt to Hu-kuang had dimin- 
ished or ceased. Yet, seeing that the Ich^ang office continued 
flourishing till long afterwards, we must seek the true solution 
once more in the trite Chinese saying ^ I? 

It was high time for a reform to bo made. While the 
exportation to Hu~kuang was so profitable a business that the 
heavy taxation by which it was sought to check it, had but 
little effect, the permits for home consumption remained 
unapplied for or were misappropriated. Nor was Ssuch'uan 
spared the internal troubles which shook the very foundations 
of the Empire during the 5th decade. Eefugees of the “ T‘ai- 
pfing ’’ rebellion overran the South of the province under 
Shill Ta-k‘ai gangs of disbanded opium smugglers 

plundered Central Ssuchhian under Li Tuan-ta-ta 
and others, and a general rising of the Miaotzu disturbed the 
peace of Yiimian and Kui-chou. Nowhere indeed was the 
administration so completely disorganised as in the last two 
provinces, for which over 80,000 permits remained on hand, 
and duties amounting to over a million were outstanding. A 
thoroTigh reform was at last undertaken in 1877 bj^ the then 
Viceroy Ting Pao-chen, conjointly with the expectant Taot^ai 
T‘ang Chiin a very able official, afterwards fu-t^ai 

of Yunnan, who lost his high reputation, as many another 
was won, undeservedly, during the last French war, and who, 



after years of disgrace, was finally appointed to the adminis- 
tration of government mines in Yunnan, where lie still 

The system inaugurated in 1877 is called the government 
transport system (kuan-yan jg, or more fully kuan-'yiln 
shang-lmao jg The principle on which it is based 

is this : while leaving both the production and ultimate sale to 
private enterprise, the government, in order to insure the 
distribution in every direction, undertakes the conveyance. 
It purchases the salt at the wells, transports it to destination, 
or to central depbts from which the districts supplied by them 
can be conveniently reached, and there sells it to the trade 
at a figure which includes all charges for prime cost, transport, 
duty, etc. Permission was first granted to give the system a 
trial in Kui-chon, and, on its being found entirely successful, 
it was extended to Yiuinan, to the 8 districts of Hupei drawing 
salt from Ssuch^uan, and to 33 districts of the province itself. 

"We see that there are actually three different systems work- 
ing side by side in this province. The first, huan-iu sliang^ 
hsiaOy which may be described as the allotment system, has 
been tried for a century and a-half, and has failed to give 
satisfaction. The second system, the incorporation of the salt- 
tax in the poll-tax (knitting), the general adoption of which 
has at one time been warmly advocated, has dangers too 
obvious to detail. It would mean simply the increase of a 
general tax for the benefit of one particular trade, which 
benefit would tend to stimulate exportation at the expense of 
the local supply. The third system, that of government trans- 
port (kuan-yun shang-lmao) is a compromise, and, if honestly 
carried out, is beyond doubt the one which satisfies best the 
requirements of both the revenue and the public. It is also, 
if I am not mistaken, the one which is destined eventually to 
supersede eveiy other. Although it resembles somewhat and 
approaches to a certain extent our idea of a state monopoly. 


I may now say that to speak of “the Salt Monopoly of China” 
without qualification is, so fixr as this part of the Empire is 
concerned, somewhat misleading, since the government occupies 
itself in nowise with either the manufacture or the ultimate 
sale of the product. Among the various schemes proposed at 
different times we find indeed one called huan-yun hiian- 
hsiao which would entirely realise our definition 

of a state monopoly, but it was thrown out on the very ground 
that it deprived an important branch of trade of its legitimate 
interest ^Ij ) . 


Production , — At present (1882) there are 40 districts in 
Ssuch^uan producing salt in greater or less quantity. The 
salt-wells number 8,830 ; the “ fire-wells” 10 ; the ovens 1,484 ; 
the evaporating pans 5,527 ; and the “ hot-water pans ” 238. 
The principal manufacturing centres are known as : — 

F u-hsing-ch^ang 

f Hsi-ch‘ung 
\ Nan-pu 



Hua-chfih-ch‘ang . . . 

r Sh6-hung 
( P‘6ng-ch‘i 




f Fu-shun 

t J™g 




r Tiin-yang 
( Ta-ning 



Tung-t'ung-ch^ang ... 

/ Chfien-wei 
\ Lo-shan 



■ The regular supply, for which permits are issued, and the 
distribution of which is regulated by definite rules, is nominally 
peculs 2,061,816, actually peculs 2,371,088 and more. This 
is called yin yen ( §[ ^) in contradistinction to the yil yen 
or surplus salt, which is subject only to likin charges 


en route to destination. The latter, being the variable factor 
in the annual production, cannot be ascertained with certainty. 

Regular Supply, — Permits , — For the regular supply the 
permits are annually issued by the Board of Eevenue, and 
transmitted to the Grovernor-Greneral as the responsible head 
of the Salt Administration. The permits are distinguished 
as regular permits (0^ 5[) and reserve permits ^j). 
The latter, to the number of 5,000, are retained by the 
Governor-General as a reserve stock, to be drawn on in the 
event of any district applying for an increased allotment. The 
regular permits are divided into River permits (;^ 51 )> 
shipment by junk, and Land permits ([^ 51)) overland 
carriage. The former cover 50 packages, the latter 4 packages 
each. The package (^) is nominally 1 pecul net, to which 
an allowance of 15 per cent, is added for loss in transit. The 
number of permits is as follows : — 

River permits 30,178 @ peculs 50 =peculs 1,508,900 
Land „ 138,229 „ „ 4= „ 552,916 

„ 2,061,816 
plus 15 per cent „ 309,272 

Peculs 2,371,088 

[In reality a somewhat larger allowance is made for waste. 
Cake salt (E generally weighs peculs 1.60, granular salt 
(?E ® 2 per pao, inclusive of 20 catties tare. As it 
is not ascertained in what proportion either variety stands to 
the total production, the exact figures for the latter are beyond 

The regular permits, impressed with the Governor-Generars 
seal, are divided between the Salt Commissioner 
and the Government Transport Office ( M IB M ) 
follows ; — 



Salt Commissioner. 

River permits 10,528 = pecnls 526,400 
Land „ 82,183= „ 828,732 


peculs 855,182 

Government Transport Office, 

River permits 19,650 = peculs 982,500 ) 
Land „ 56,046 — „ 224,184 ) 

,, 1,206,684 

Pecnls 2,061,816 

Distribution, — Ssucli^nan supplies actually itself witli 12 /i/, 
6 chihliAHng^ 8 cliihli-clion^ and 137 lisien ; 8 districts of 
Hupei, viz, Ho-fSng, Ch^angdo, ^ln-sllih, Hsiian«Sn, Li-cli^ian, 
Chien-shih, Hsien-f&ag, and Lai-feng ; 13 /«, 3 V^ing^ and 

1 cliou^ of Kui-clion, i,e, all Kui-chou with the exception of 
Li-p^ing-fu supplied from the Liang-kuang provinces ; and 

2 fu and 1 cliou of Yiinuan, viz, Tung-ch‘uan, Chao-t^ung and 
Chen-hsiung, The regular supply of these provinces is as 
follows : — 


River permits 18,294 = pecnls 
Land „ 108,221 = „ 




River permits 
Land „ 


1,199 — peculs 59,950 \ 

4,715= „ 18,860 i ” 


River permits 10,685 = peculs 534,250 ) 

Land „ 139 = „ 556 ( ” 


Land permits 25,154 ==! „ 




Peculs 2,061,816 



The permits for Ssuch'uan and Hupei are called cld~yin 
those for Kui-ohoti and Yhnnan are known as 
pien-yin mm- 

Administration. — Salt Commissioner . — 104 ont of the 137 
districts of Ssuch^uan are nnder the control, for salt- tax 
purposes, of the Salt Commissioner. The system of ad- 
ministration is mainly the same as inaugurated in 1732. 
In 42 districts, however, mostly in the North of the province, 
the salt-tax is collected simultaneously with the poll-tax 
(M amalgamated with the land tax (;^ “J"). 

The permits are retained by the Salt Commissioner, and the 
districts concerned depend for their supply on the surplus 
salt purchasable in small quantities at the nearest salt-wells. 
In the remaining 62 districts the permits are handed to the 
territorial officials according to fixed allotment, and these act 
as collectors of the salt-tax. Tliey again distribute 

them among a number of resident firms ®), 'who have 
obtained the privilege against heavy guarantees. And in 
their turn these merchants invite other companies 
to contract for the conveyance of the produce to destination. 
On arrival there a statement of original cost, transport 
expenses, etc. is submitted to the magistrate, who proceeds to 
collect the charges due and, adding 4 cash per catty for the 
merchants’ profit, fixes the price of salt accordingly by 
proclamation. At the end of the year the permits, together 
with the dues collected, are surrendered to the Salt 
Commissioner, who forwards them to the provincial capital 
with his return. The permits are eventually returned to 
Peking, and the revenue is either remitted or otherwise 
accounted for. 

Government Transport Office . — The head office of the 
Government Salt Transport is at Lu-chou, and is under the 
direction of a general manager 1^) of the rank of 



1iou--pu tao. The kuan'-yun chu supplies all Yunnan and 
Kui-ohou, within the limits indicated — 33 districts of Ssu- 
chhmn, chiefly riverine districts and districts borderiiify on the 
Southern provinces ^), and the S districts of Western 

The government purchases the salt at the wells, and branch 
offices are established for that purpose in the principal 
manufacturing centres. These are called cli^ang^chu (j^ 
and are six in number, viz , : — 

(a) Oh‘ien-ch‘angf6ii"chuat Wuthmg-chflao, Ch^ien-wei. 

(b) Fu-ch^ang fSn-chti at Tzu-lin«ching, Fu-shun. 

(c) She-ch^ang fSn-chil at Yang-t’ao-chfl, She-hung. 

(d) Yiin-ch^ang fon-chii at Yii-nan-ch^aug, Ydn-yang. 

(e) Ning-ch‘ang f^n-chli at Ta-ning“ch‘ang, Ta-ning. 

(/) Yu“ch‘ang fen-chti at Yu-shan-chSn, P*6ng-shui. 

Here the salt is stored pending shipment. An additional 
dep&t at Lu-chou is stored vdth surplus salt, to 

prevent a sudden rise of prices. From the ch^ang'-clui the 
salt is transported by river to the various depots at destina-^ 
tion, called an-clm (^ ^). Here it is disposed of to the. 
trade at a price which includes prime cost, transport and all 
dues and duties leviable. The permits which have accom- 
panied the produce thus far, are returned to the head office, 
and hi-cliao issued instead to protect the goods to their 
ultimate places of consumption. 

For Yun-nan, which is entirely supplied from Chieu-wei, 
the an-chu are 2, viz , : — 

(a) Ipin an-chii, at Hsii-chon-fu, for conveyance up 
river to Lao-ya-t^an, and thence to Chao-t^ung 
and Tung-chhian. 

{h) Nan-kuang an-chii, at Fan-kiiang-chen, 20 li below 
Hsu-chou-fu and on the main river, for conveyance 
to Chen-hsiung.u/^ Ohing-fu and Kao-hsien. 



For Kui-cbou, which is supplied from Ch^ien-wei, Fu-shun 
and Jung-hsien, the an-cldl are 4 viz . : — 

(a) Tuug-an f^n-chii, at Hsu-yung-t'^ing, 450 li from 
hTa-ch^i-hsieii on the river. 

(&) J6n~an fen-chu, at J^n-huai-t^ing, 150 li from Ho- 
chiang-hsien on the river. 

(c) Oh^i-an fSu-chu, at Chh-chiang-hsien, 140 li from 

Chiang-chinJisien on the river. 

(d) Fu-an f6n~chii, at Fu-chon, on the river, 330 li below 


All four depots can be reached by junks. 

The 8 privileged districts of Hupei, which are supidied by 
Oh‘ien-wei, Yiin-yang, Ta-ning and P'eng-shui, are controlled 
by the Wan-hsien fcn-chii^ with landing stations at Ylin-yang 
and Wu-shan. 

Beside the above there are yet other receiving depOts for 
the supply of home districts, and there is a w^ell organised 
system of examination jetties and check bai'riers, too numerous 
to detail. 

Stirplus Production . — The surplus production of those salt 
districts which contribute to the regular supply^ as well as 
the production of districts having but a few and barren wells, 
being subject to constant fluctuations, cannot be accurately 
determined. Such produce is taxed by the several PHao-U-chil 
(S M M) established in the principal well districts, or by 
the oflS.cials entrusted with the supervision in the less important. 
The clhHen-lo and fu^jung offices are responsible to the 
huan-yiin tsnng'^cliil the remaining offices, notably those at 
T^uiig-chhian, Ohien-chou, Ching-yen, Tz‘u-chou, Yiin-yang 
Ta-ning, etc., to the yen-eli\iAao. After being freed in the 
place of production, the salt may be conveyed to any market, 
but remains subject to likin chax*ges at every barrier en route^ 


and no applicant is granted a pass (^) for more than 
80 catties at one time. 

Tamtion, — Fixed Annutd Assessment , — 

(a) Well J'ax (^). — After a now \vell has been worked 

for three years, it is reported to the Board and 
classed according to its productivity as 1st, 2nd or 
3rd class. Similarly with evaporating pans and 
ovens, which in some districts are taxed instead of 
the salt-wells. There is no fixed scale of taxation, 
but once assessed the tax remains the same year 
after year. The collection from this source is 
Taels 14,961 per annum. 

(b) Regular Salt Tax — This is calculated on the 

old basis of Taels 0.0681 per pecul, or Tac-ds 3.405 
per River permit and Taels 0.2724 per Land 
permit. The total collection is Taels 140,409 per 

(c) Remittance Tax — This tax provides for 

the expenditure connected with the printing of the 
permits and their remittance every year from and 
to the Board of Revenue. 3 mace are charged per 
100 permits for cost of printing and 4 li 

per permit for cost of remittance (flij] The 
annual charge under this head is only Taels 129. 

(d) Examination Fee — Originally intended for 

barrier expenses. It amounts to 6 mace per 
River, and 48 li per Land permit, if for Ssuchhian 
or Hupei, and to 1 tael per River, and 80 li per 
Land permit, if for Yunnan or Kni-cliou. The 
annual collection is Taels 29,725. 

(e) Overcharge (^) for cost of administration. This is 

collected both on the welLtax and on the salt-tax 



proper. It varies in different districts but remains 
the same from year tp year. The well-tax over- 
charge is Taels 3,762, the salt-tax over- 
charge Taels 26,074, total Taels 29,836 

per annum. 

(a) to (c) represent the original Salt revenue due to the 
central government ; (d) and (e) were formerly illegal charges, 
the amounts of which varied in different places, but have since 
been submitted to the Board and approved of. All have 
now become fixed assessments, (a) to (c) being annually 
remitted to Peking, (d) and (e) retained in the province, but 
reported and accounted for. The fixed assessments amount to 
Taels 315,061 per annum. 

Lihin , — 

(a) Yin-U ch^ang^li (K M )> ^ levied at 

place of production on the regular supply covered 
by permit. Originated in 1854. Before 1877 the 
tax was Taels 19.50 for pa-yen^ and Taels 25 for 
Ima-yen per permit of 50 pao. The latter charge 
has since been reduced to Taels 18 at the fu-jung^ 
to Taels 17.50 at the cliHeR-lo, and to Taels 7,555 
at the sM^hung office (peculs 100 being allowed 
to the permit). The tax is collected by the 
kuan’-yin-chil ('g* in the great salt centres, 

and the receipts are about Taels 300,000 per 
annum [1882]. 

(b) — PHaoAi (^M)j levied at place of pro- 

duction on surplus salt not covered by permit. 
Originated in 1765, during the Chin-ch‘uan ex- 
pedition, abolished in 1771, and revived as a sort 
of poor rate in 1778. Since 1862 the sale of 
surplus salt and the collection of the tax took place 
in special warehouses, which were again done 



away witli in 1877, and the p^iao-li-cliii (|g 
created instead. One person can apply for no 
more than 80 catties at a time, and the duty is 4 
cash for pa'-yen^ and 8 cash for luia-ym per catty. 
The receipts are over Taels 200,000 a year 

(c) — Yu4i J^), or likin collected on salt at Ohmig- 
Idng. The office at this port was established in 
1860. It taxes both the regular supply and 
surplus salt exported on the following scale : — 

Salt exported to Hupei : if covered by permit, 
1,250 cash for hua-yen^ 650 cash for 
per pao ; if surplus salt, then indiscriminately 
1,500 cash per pao. 

Salt destined for home districts : Taels 2 per 

The collection is about Taels 300,000 per annum 

The h^ui4i h^ai-shui collected at 

Kffii-cliou-fu since 1853 on surplus salt going into Hupei, 
was abolished when in 1877 the kuan-yin-chii were created. 

Likin on Ssuchhiaii salt going into Yunnan was done 
away with when the hiian-‘yun system was extended to that 

But in Kui-chou taxation continued, even after the intro- 
duction in 1877 of the new sj’Stem, and proved most 
vexatious, until eventually the hian-yun administration 
undertook to collect the provincial charges at a fixed rate of 
Taels 10 for duty and Taels 4 for likin per ;//a, and agreed to 
surrender to Kui-chou the collection thus obtained, amounting 
to about Taels 180,000 per annum. After that salt became 
a free article throughout that province, 


Revenue . — Previous to the introduction of the hiian-yiin 
system the salt-tax revenue of Ssuch^uan, collected from all 
sources, amounted to about Taels 900,000 per annum. After 
the first year of its successful working throughout its present 
area, in 1879, the figures were reported as follows : — 

Fu-jung kuan-yin-chu 
Chfien-lo kuan-yin-chii 
Fu-jung pfiao-li-chii 
Ch^ien-lo p‘iao-li-chii 
Yu-ch‘cng yeii-li-chu 

Taels 476,153 
„ 503,389 

„ 91,244 

„ 126,802 
„ 61,896 

„ 364,717 

Taels 1,624,201 

To this must be added the revenue for which the Salt 
Commissioner is responsible, the exact figures of which I am 
unable to give. But if we estimate the salt -tax for the 
whole province in round numbers at two million Taels and 
more, we cannot be far wrong. It is, with the exception 
of the united land and poll tax, the principal item in the 
provincial balance sheet. Apart frojn remittances to Peking 
it is chiefly appropriated for the maintenance of the military 
establishment, for subsidies to the administrations of Ytinnan 
and Kui-chou, which are not yet self-supporting, and in latter 
years also for contributions to the coast defence. 

It must be remembered, however, that, from the nature of 
native returns,' all estimates and valuations given in tliis 
paper lupresent minimum values. The burden on the 
country may be much heavier than these figures would lead 
one to infer, but the revenue as here given is what the 
central government reckons with, though it is not and can- 
not be drawn on to its full margin. 




The following, is a list of River Stages with distances in li, and branch 
rontes to Yiinnau and Kuichou in the margin. It is compiled from the 
Yen-fa-cUh, is thought generally reliable, and may therefore be not without 
interest. A sketch map extracted from the same source is appended. 

Kame of Place. 



Branch Routes, etc. 




















Ch^a-y li-tz u4 ^an 



Lo-shan-hsien ^ fjj 

Lo-p‘o ^ 

Mo-tzu-ch‘ang ^ ^ 

Ni-oh‘i ’ ^ 






(■ or Hsiu-ch'i-k'on ^ ^ P 
( Ohien-pan-ho R. 

Kan-pe-shn ||f 

Pan-chiu-shih ■ || H 


Kao-chia-ch‘ang 1^ ^ ^ 
Nin-shih-pien ^ ^ If 
Hung-ai-ssu ilC ^ ^ 








Name of Place. 



Brancli Kontes, etc. 






0 It H 
12 #i m 




I-p‘in-lisien !i! ^ M 
Ohin-sBa-chiatig ^ jT. 
or Chin-lao R. ^ M 

Yunnan Route — 1. 
Ascends the Chin-ho to : 
P'ing-shan-hsien ^ fil ^ 
R Ti-knan-ts'un §1] 'g' 
And continnes overland to; 
Ynng-shan-hsien 7^ ^ 











Yunnan Route — 2. 
Brandies off at An - pien- 
di'ang, and ascends the 
H^ng-chiang to : 
La-ya-t^an ^ ^ 

And continnes overland to: 
Ta-kuan-t'ing ::i'C ^ ® 
Ohao-t'nng-fii PS iS ® 
Tung-ch'^nan-fn ^ jjl 

Nan-kuang-shui R. 





Yunnan Route — 3. 
Ascends the Nan-kuang- 
shni to ; 

Ch‘ing-fu-hsieu ^ ^ 

Kao-hsion ^ 

Lo-hsing-tu M 






Name of Place. 



Branch Boutes, etc. 



And continues overland to : 










SI: T 












^ M ii 








?f m 


Yung-niug-ho R. ^ M 



Kuiohou Route — 1. 

Ascends tlie Yung-ning- 

ho to : 

Yung-ning-lisien 7^: ^ 
And continnes overland to: 


Pi-cliie-hsien ft M 


Slini-cli‘6n g-t‘ing7|c IsJj ^ 



Or from Pi-chie-hsieu to : 


W ei-nirig-cPou Jg)^ 'ft 
Or from Yung-ning-lisien 


to : 



Lang-tai-t‘iug filSfi'T.lftl 





Name of Place. 



Branch EonteSj etc. 



Or to : 





Kui-liua-t‘ing |f -ffc® 
Or from An-sknn-fu to : 









m m 


Clmng-slmi L. rft 7jC 


m a 



m p 














Ch‘ili-slim*-]io E. ^ M 

Kuichou Route — 2, 

Ascends the Chih-shni-ho 

to : 




And continues overland to: 




Or to : 




Ch‘ing-chen-lisien JrIrM 
Or to : 



Or to ; 







Name of Place, 

Wan-cliia-cli^aDg ^ ^ ^ 
Yang-sliih-p^an 1^- 5 

m m m 
a pg 



Chiang-chin-lisienJX ^ 1^ 

jX P 

















Branch Routes, etc. 

Also written 
Oli'e-tiii-lio L. 

- f * A?fe 


P‘u-cli‘i or ^ 

CJhi-chiaug-ho 11. ^ 'Jt 



Kxiicliou Haute — 3 . 
Ascends tlie P^i-cli^i to : 

GlPi-cliiang-lisien ^ 

Hsiii-cluin ^ 

And continues overland to: 
Ts un-i-lisien ^ ^ 

Y ung -an-lisien ^ ^ 
PHng-yiie-cliou ^j[>| 
T u-cliiln-f Li il^ 

Or to : 

Tsnn-i-lisien ^ ^ 

P‘ing-yue-cliou ^M#I 

Tu-sliau-choir ll| ^‘|>| 

















Name of Place. 

T‘ung-kuan-i Sg' ^ 

Yii-tung-cli'i ^ 

Fu-t‘u-kunn ff, HI 

CU‘img-cli‘ing-fu M ^ ^iF 



Branch Boutes, etc. 



Or from Tsuii-i-lisien to : 






Tjo4ui-c1iou ^ ^4 W 


Or from ( 'h‘i-eliiang4isiea 

overland to : . 

Cbeng-an-cliou jE ^ ^‘[‘J 


Mei-t^an-hsien ^ ^ 


Yimg-an-Iisien ^ ^ ^ 








Pa-hsien g ^ 

Ghia-ling-cliiang L. 


Sl4fc E 








TfC M 


M ® 



01iSiDg“sliou4iBien^ § 

Huang -ts ‘ao4isi a 


« m 


m i® 



m m 














Pu-ling-chiang ov 
Pn-cliiang R. Si 



Name of Place. 



Brandi Routes, etc. 



Kukliou Route — 4* 

Asceuds the Fu-chiang to: 
Kimg-t‘an 2| ||| 

Hsin-fc‘an ff f| 

Continues overland to : 




Oh^ao-ti-ch‘ang JfQ J[^ 
And again hy river to : 

Shili-cli^ien-fu S Pf 
And thence oveidand to : 

8su-choii-fn jW‘l 

Whence by river to : 

Ohen-yuan-fu Hit 
Or from Fu-chou overland 
to : 

Thmg-jcn-fu 1111: If? 





m m 





m m 



m Til li 






Or from P‘eng-shiii-hsien 
to : 

Or to : 









• 1,20 





Name of Place. 



Branch. Routes, etc. 




1^ ^ IR 





























ft m 





m m 


Hupei Route — 7. 

By river to : 

i Ta-cli‘i-k‘ou 


And overland to : 





Or from Li-ch^uan hsien to : 




® )S ® 






Hsiao-chiang-k‘ou/J-* 0 


Yiin-yan g~hsien 











Name of Place. 



Tz ‘li-chuang-tz u 

^ ffi T' 





a s 









S ^ 






® m 


Hsiao-oli'ing-t'an /j['* W ^ 






3i m 















Branch Boutes, etc. 



Feng-cMe-hsieii ^ IK ^ 

Ihqm Route — 5. 

By river to : 

Ta~chH-k‘ou ^ 1] 

And overland to : 




Shili-nan-fu ® ® 






Hupei Route — 2. 

By river to ; 


And overland to : 







Name of Place. 



Branch Boutes, etc. 



Lao-sliu-ts‘o ^ 

Huaiig-ts'ao-p'o ^ 

Pa-waBg“Cli^ou ^ 

P^u-p^e-tzii ^ 

Hsiao-mn-jaiig /J> 

Mei-jcai-feiig ,Wi 


■\Vau-liii-i ^ 

” Wan-liu-t'o ^ 

Pa-tung-lisieu IQ 


Lao-kiii-cliou ^ 

Hsin-t‘an ^ 

T'uug~ling ^ 

Ohii-cli^i ^ 

Hiiang-ling-pa ^ 


P^ing-shariTpa ^ 






Or to : 

Cliien-shili-lisien ! 
Or to : 

Ho-feng-chou ■ 

/ First place in Hupei, 2,703 
\ U from Ghia-ting-fu 

•230 Tung-liu-lisien 

1,655 li from Oh'ung- 



Name of Place. 



Branch Boutes, etc. 









90 li by river, and 180 li 
overland to : 





The Council of the China Branch of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, considering that sufficient time has 
now elapsed since the publication of the preliminary 
paper on this subject [Journal, Vol. XXIV, No. i, 
issued May i8go], are desirous of collecting further 
information regarding the Currency, Weights and 
Measures in use in all parts of China, and request 
the favour of a paper from you embodying brief 
answers to the questions asked below. Reference 
to the preliminary paper [Journal, Vol. XXIV, 
No. i] will greatly facilitate your work, as giving you 
the order in which it will be most convenient to 
arrange the information desired. If from any cause 
you are unable to write the paper asked for, the 
Council beg you will be good enough to hand this 
Circular to a neighbour. 

The points on which information is sought are as 
follows : — 


1. — 'What are the kinds of Tael (^) of Silver known in 
your district ? Please give names in full (thus ^ fjj 
% together with the colloquial name. 

2. — What is the actual weight in grains or grammes of the 
Tael of each weight (2p) ? 

15.4325 grains = 1 gramme. 

437.5 „ =1 oz. avoirdupois. 

480. „ — 1 j, troy or apothecary. 

416. „ — 1 Mexican dollar (clean).* 

3. — What is the touch or fineness of each of the several 
kinds of Silver (pure silver being 1,000) ? 

4. — How many Taels of each of the Currencies are 

considered to be the equivalent locally of 100 Kuping or 
Treasury Taels of pure Silver ^ ^ How many 

equal 100 Haikuan or Customs Taels ? 

5. — ^What relation do Dollars bear to the local Tael? 
(100 Taels = ? Dollars). What kind of Dollars ? 

6. — What kinds of Copper Cash are used in your district? 
What is a tiao (^) and what its value ? How many tiao or 
cash to a Tael or Dollar? 

7. — What information can you supply regarding the 
circulation of paper money and notes of foreign banks ? 


8. — What kinds of Catty (/?•) are known in your district? 
What are their names and use ? Give the equivalent in ounces 
avoii’dupois or in grammes (1 oz. av. = 28.35 grammes). 
Which is the catty generally used ? 

9. — Is any one of the Taels mentioned by you the exact 
sixteenth of any of the above Catties? 

10. — Please give a list of commodities of which more or less 
than 100 catties go to the picul (jQ or Jg) with the number 

* It is advisable in stating the local weight of the Tael that the means 
by which this weight is arrived at be stated : (1) whether by actual weighing, 
■and, if so, stating the counterpoise against which weighed and any tests for 
correctnesi— -or (2) by account* 

of catties of each kind [see Journal, Vol. XXIV, No. 1, p. 94, 
note by Rev. P6re Gain]. Is the character ^ used in your 
district to designate a measure of capacity as well as of weight. 


11. — What is the weight in lbs. or kilos of dry rice 
contained in the Ton or Peck (^) known in your district? 
Please give dimensions, or capacity in English cubic inches 
or in cubic centimetres. 


12. — Please state which is the fundamental unit for land 
measure in your district: is it the or and give the 
length of it in English inches and decimals or millimetres. 

13. — How many ^ are reckoned to a M- 


14. — Wliat is tlxe urea of the IIoio (j^) known in your 
district ? Please give the equivalent in English square feet or 
in square metres. On what length of Pace or is this 
based ? 


15. — Please give any other information at your disposal on 
the Metrology of China. 

It would be a favour to editors and to printer if 
communications were written on one side only of 
the paper; and replies should be sent in before 
the end of the year to the Hon. Secretary, China 
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Shanghai. 

1st May 1894. 

Royal Asiatic Society has decided in connec- 
tion with the Shanghai Museum to form a collection 
of objects bearing on Chinese technology. 

Ail former attempts in this direction have been 
made by individuals from peculiar points of view, or 
by foreign officials, and the collections made have 
been subsequently removed from China. 

The Committee considers that it would be interest- 
ing as well as useful to economists and ethnologists 
to find on the spot a public centre, where information 
illustrated by an exhibition of the articles and the 
processes of manufacture could be obtained. 

The programme proposed would be far in excess 
of the present resources of the institution were not a 
hearty support from all classes of residents in China 
to be given to the project. 

Specimens of the raw and manufactured articles 
below enumerated, and models, sketches, drawings 
and photographs of the various processes and machines 
used in their manufacture with, if practicable, measures 
and descriptions are earnestly solicited. 

It is not intended that this comparatively new 
departure, which was however planned in 1881 by 
Mr. D. C. Jansen, should interfere with the existing 

Zoological, Botanical and Geological collections which 
are being rearranged, and it is hoped extended. 

Shanghai being the chief emporium of foreign 
trade in central and northern China, and having exten- 
sive and rapid means of communication with the 
principal centres of trade, is considered the most 
suitable position for such a. collection. 

Private collections deposited for a time for ex- 
hibition would be specially cared for. 

It is proposed to divide the exhibit into the 


following classes, in any of which specimens would be 
gratefully received. 

Foodstuffs ; their production and preparations. 

Cereals^ seeds^ fruits, vegetables, farinaceous substances, etc. 
Liquors, distilled or otherwise, condiments, oils used for food, etc. 
Sugar, spices, sweetmeats, preserves, etc. 

Narcotics, opium, tobacco, bang, etc. Pipes or other appliances 
used in connection with the above. 

Descriptions of the processes used in the manufacture of any of 
the above, accompanied if possible b}? models and figured 
drawings or photographs. 


Dresses, embroideries, hats and caps, articles of personal adornment, 

Textile fabrics ; silk, cotton, wool, hemp, China-grass, etc. 

Felts and other substances used in clothing. 

Furs, leather, feathers, hair, etc. 

Ram materials , — Cotton of various kinds, silk, wild and cultivated ; 
wools and hairs, hemp, China-grass, hides and peltry. 

Models and descriptions of looms, frames^ etc., and tools used in 
preparation of clothes. 

Processes of tanning and materials used ; preservation and pre- 
paration of furs ; processes of felting, etc. 

Habitations and Family Life. 

Models and drawings of houses, arrangement of dwellings with 
reference to separation of families and sexes, furniture, house- 
hold utensils, fuel, heating, lighting, etc. 

Tools and weapons in ordinary use. 

Hand-mills, household tools, weapons for self-defence or used in 
hunting or fishing, pots and pans, cooking and its accessories, 


Games, toys, musical instruments, etc. 

Transportation by land or water. 

Carts, sizes and description, barrows, chairs and litters, etc. 

Boats, different descriptions or sizes, and names of each. 

Models or photographs of the above. 


Woodware, paper, glass, stoneware, earthenware, porcelain, lacquer, 
copper and brass wares, ornamental and artistic work generally. 


Implements and tools, or models and photographs when too large 
for exhibition. 

Products not included in preceding categories. 

Mineral products ; being articles of trade. 

Alkalies, alum, arsenic, asbestos, borax, cinnabar, coal, copperas, 
graphite, gypsum, kaolin, nephrite, orpiment, petroleum, 
pipe-clay, prehnite, pyrites, realgar, steatite, sulphur, vermilion, 

Miscellaneous products. - 

8 * 1 '' » ' 

Oil, fats, waxes, gums, resins, varnishes, glues, cements, dyes,, 
pigments, etc., raw and refined. 


Scents, perfumes, essences, etc. 


Books, paper, writing materials, wood engravings, types, blocks, 
maps, charts, etc. f' 


(From the ‘‘Ym-fa^h”) 

f " lEE Salt Adminiotkatios of Satfc®‘UA».'’ J 


By Z, Yolpicblli. 

15 entiAO se ver^ quao incertas sao as cousas da China, de que nesta terra so 
trata com tania curiosidade, & de q algus enganados fazem tata conta, 
porque cada hora estao arriscadas a muytos desastres & desaventuras* 

^ O/iajp, ZXVI Feruao Mendez Pinto. 

Mrd SettlemenU in China* 

The early Portuguese Settlements in China form an in- 
terestiiig study, as they mark 'the furthest advance of that 
European nation which led the way in the continuous move- 
ment of colonial and commercial expansion which has been 
going on for the last four hundred years, and which forms 
such an important factor in the modern histoiy of the world. 
The cause of Portuguese expansion lies, I think, in her 
geographical position, in the West of Europe on the shores 
of the Atlantic ; in fact all the other nations of Europe which 
have formed or attempted to form colonial empires — England, 
Spain, Holland and France — are all similarly situated. Great 
historical events which cover a long period of time must have 
an underlying cause of permanent nature, and none is more 
so than geographical position. The causes of Portuguese 
precocity in colonial growth are principally historical : her 
people severely trained, like the other races of the Iberian 
Peninsula, by secular struggles with the Moors, early acquired 
a secure independence which aiTorded leisure and resources for 
maritime enterprise. While Portugal had driven out the 



infidel, the struggle was still going on in tlie rest of the 
Peninsula and it was long of such uncertain result that none 
of the Spanish kingdoms could dare weaken itself by wasting 
its strength in wars with Portugal. At the same time a series 
of prudent sovereigns refrained from meddling with Spanish 
aiSfairs. So that Portugal not being either attacked by her 
continental neighbours, nor attacking them, enjoyed a tran- 
quillity and peace which could be found nowhere else in 
Europe towards the end of the Middle Ages. This rest and 
security were well employed by Portugal in devising and ^ , 
carrying out a vast plan of commercial expansion. ' 

Here we see at once the difference in the origin of the 
Portuguese Colonial Empire compared to that of other nations. 

The rest, even when most successful, as in the case of England, 
have expanded unconsciously, either seizing opportunities 
which presented themselves or driven to conquest by circum- 
stances : they have never carried out a plan elaborated for 
years or persevered in against every discouragement and diffi- 
culty, though with the certainty that immense wealth would 
be the reward of success. In fact Spanish expansion was due 
to the casual acceptance of the services of a foreign navigator 
who had offered them before to Portugal and was going to 
offer them to other nations. Prance and England, more out 
of spirit of imitation than deliberate policy, followed in the [ 
wake of Spain, and were glad to pick up the lands discarded 
by the Spaniards, who in their thirst for gold could see 
no other wealth, and called them of little account.^ Holland 
made her first expeditions more to annoy Spain than to |; 
develop her trade, though she succeeded very rapidly in 
achieving the latter purpose. 

Portugal, on the contrary, started with a clear plan though 
fraught with many difficulties — the discovery of a new trade- 

^ Xierras de poco conto. 



route, which she saw must give her for a long time the mono- 
poly of eastern commerce. This was a new departure in 
history ; hitherto all the products of further Asia had been 
brought to the European markets through the Bed Sea or the 
Persian Gulf, and the wealth and prosperity of the Italian 
maritime cities during the Middle Ages, was owing to their 
monopoly of the carrying trade of those products in the 
Mediterranean. The genius of Prince Henry the Navigator 
inspired him with the bold plan of reaching India by a direct 
sea-route round Africa, thus securing for Portugal not only 
the monopoly enjoyed by the Italians in the Mediterranean 
blit also that of the Arabs and Indians in the Indian Ocean. ^ 

To this purpose nearly a century of unceasing exertion 
was sacrificed. Prince Henry, the originator of the enterprise, 
died without seeing it fulfilled with success. Pour kings — 
John the Great, King Edward, Alfonso V. and JohnII — passed 
away in succession. Still the Portuguese did not grow tired 
of what seemed a hopeless task. Slowly but unceasingly they 
crept along the African coast, discovering islands and doubling 
capes, until at last the end of the long continent was reached, 
and in 1486 Bartolomeu Diaz doubled the last terrible Capo 
Tormcntoso (Stormy Cape), which his sovereign, to encourage 
mariners, styled of Good Hope. 

It would bo too long and foreign to my subject to deal in 
detail with the successive expeditions which led to this 
final brilliant result, hut I cannot refrain from noticing 
one which from its strangeness will show us how fertile in 
resources were the Portuguese, and how tempted they must 
have been at times to abandon their continual and fruitless 
navigations and try some other plan. In the course of 

^ These are not merely historical reflections a posteriori but were the 
ideas which inspired the Portuguese throughout their conquest, as may be 
seen in the speech of the great Dalboquerque before the final attack on 



their discoveries on the western coast of Africa, they 
heard from the natives that right across the land there 
was a Christian kingdom. As this agreed with what was 
stated in a chapter of Marco Polo, it was thought sufficient 
basis for another plan by Prince Henry — to try a land-route 
across the continent parallel to that pursued by the Arabian 
caravans, and reaching to the Christian state, which would 
then protect one end of the line while the Portuguese occupied 
the other. Alfonso de Paiva and Pietro Covillan were sent 
to explore this kingdom, and their voyages, though they never 
returned themselves to Portugal, led to the discovery of 
Abyssinia, which for over a century remained under the 
political and religious influence of Portugal. This strange 
alliance between two peoples so distant from each other, and 
which never either before or after had anything in common, 
forms such a curious historical episode that I have thought it 
might prove interesting to notice it. In fact it can only be 
explained by the daring spirit of enterprise which then 
characterised the Portuguese nation, and is a brillant instance 
of their fine qualities. The continuance of their relations 
with Abyssinia, the military expeditions and the missionaries 
they sent there, even after the sea-route to India had been 
found and proved to be practicable and profitable, show the 
broad political sagacity of the Portuguese Viceroys in India, 
who saw the strategical importance of Abyssinia in a war 
against the Mahomedans to destroy the old trade-route 
through the Red Sea. Now that, after four centuiues, commerce 
has gone back to her old route, this fragment of history has 
acquired fresh interest, and I drew attention to it in a series 
of articles in the Italian papers about three years ago. 

If Portuguese enterprise and perseverance were so con- 
spicuous during a century of discouraging attempts, it is no 
wonder they shone brilliantly when the whole commercial 
•wealth of Asia lay open to theni, V^sco de Qan^a 



India in his first voyage only in 1497, and yet the Portuguese 
had reached Malacca in 1509, and proceeded to explore the 
island of Sumatra ; in 1516 Duorte Coelho navigated along the 
coast of Cochinchina and Siam. This rapid expansion was only 
a further development of the old plan of Prince Henry, They 
had doubled the Gape of Good Hope in order to trade direct 
with India, and gather themselves all the gains hitherto 
distributed among Arab and Venetian middlemen along the 
old commercial route ; on reaching India, they found 
that a large part of the trade there was also a transit one 
which enriched other middlemen along further trade routes, 
and the Portuguese, consistent in their commercial principles, 
determined to explore the Spice Islands and carry on the 
trade direct. Of course this commercial revolution ruined 
many and it was not carried out without much opposition, 
which showed itself sometimes by violence and at other times 
by the more dangerous arts of fraud and treachery. Arabs, 
Indians and Malays were all against these bold intruders that 
upset the commercial traditions of centuries. 

The Portuguese, however, were too flushed by success to 
cai'e for casual losses incurred by local hostility, and too well 
trained by their trials of a century to fear any enemy they 
might meet in Asia, and they continued their explorations and 
mercantile adventures. Their possession of Malacca, which 
was thoroughly conquered by Alfonso Dalboquerque in 1 511, at 
once opened up relations with China, both private and public. 
Malacca was then a great emporium of trade frequented by 
merchants of every country in the Par East besides those 
from India, and* while the Portuguese were preparing for the 
final assault, they received proffers of assistance from six 
Chinese junks which were at that time in the port. This 
unexpected friendship arose from two causes : the Chinese 
had been spared by the Portuguese when they burnt the ships 
gf the Guzarates in the harbour, and they had been vexed 



and annoyed by the King of Malacca who had detained them 
for the purpose of using them in another military expedition. 
The arrival of the Portuguese fleet and the dangers which 
menaced the King entirely drove out of his mind all thought 
about the Chinese, and they with characteristic coolness 
understood the situation, and quietly one by one slipped 
on board their junks and went to offer their services to 
Dalboquerque. His answer shows how the genius of that 
great man was able to reconcile the noblest principles with 
the furtherance of the interests of his king and country. lie 
declined their assistance, because if his enterprise did not 
succeed as well as he trusted in God it would, the Chinese 
would bo persecuted by the King of Malacca for the part they 
had taken in the attack. The Chinese then asked permission 
to go back to their own country, promising to treat the 
Portuguese well wherever they met them, in consideration of 
the kindness they had received. At the same time they 
informed Dalboquerque of the difficulties ho must encounter 
in his projected attack as the Javanese, Persians and 
Guzerates had assembled a largo army and numerous artillery 
in the place, and they did not think he could win. He 
thanked them for their advice and asked them to wait a few 
more days so that they might sec the valour of the Portuguese 
and report it to the King of China on their I'eturn. After a 
few days the Chinese asked again ‘permission to leave as their 
monsoon had arrived and any delay would bo injurious to 
their navigation. Dalboquerque this time consented because 
the first attack had already been made, and the valour and 
skill shown by tlie Portuguese must have convinced them 
that final success was no longer doubtful. He only asked 
them to touch at Siam (Sino) on their way and leave 
there Duarte Fernandez, whom he intended to send as 
messenger to the king. This request was very willingly 

and settlements in china. 


The sagacity of Dalboquerqne had thns arranged matters in 
such a way that ‘the first reports about the Portnguese in 
China should be of the most favourable description ; they had 
shown great valour against their powerful enemies and a 
generosity towards weak strangers which must have seemed 
extraordinary to the Chinese accustomed to the violence and 
brutality of the Malays, Events that followed soon proved 
the wisdom of Dalboquerque’s conduct. When the Por- 
tuguese took Malacca, the king fled to the kingdom of Pao, 
and sent an ambassador to the court of Peking, asking fox- 
succour from China on account of the ancient friendship 
between the two countries.^ 

The fall of Malacca, then the great commercial port of the 
East, had caused an immense sensation throughout all the 
neighbouring states, so that when the ambassador reached 
Peking, after a long voyage over land from Canton, he was 
subjected to long questionings about the Portuguese, their 
gi-eat Viceroy, and their mode of fighting. He was able 
to give a full account of the whole war, as he had been 
an eye-witness; but all his eloquence in describing the 
affronts his master had received from the Captain of the 
King of Portugal was insufficient to obtain an army and 
fleet to reinstate his sovereign. The Empei’or of China 
was determined to keep on good terms with the Portuguese, 
because they had treated kindly his merchants, and intended 
to allow them to trade in Malacca. 

After they had securely established their power in Malacca 
by building a fortress, the Portuguese were not long in 
profiting of the advantages for trade of their new position. 
They had simply to continue the ti-aditions of the j)lace, which 
was the emporium of the Far East where merchants flocked 
from all parts of the Indian archipelago, from Oochinchina 

^ An ancestor of the king had visited Peking in Hll, and done homage as 



and the southern parts of China. In 1516 Rafael Perestello 
made the first voyage from Malacca to China in a junk, 
and he brought back such good information and the profits 
of his mercantile venture were so great that a large expedi- 
tion was fitted out the next year. Fernao Peres de Andrade 
sailed with four Portuguese ships and four Malay vessels 
and was accompanied by George Mascarenhas in another 
ship. The appearance of such large vessels filled with 
strange-looking men in the Gulf of China (as the China Sea 
was called by the Portuguese) caused great consternation 
among the natives ; but Fernao Peres de Andrade, who had 
served under the great Dalboquerque at the taking of 
Malacca, took care to follow the wise conduct of his former 
chief. He did not forget his mission of pioneer of new 
extensive commercial relations of his country, and determined 
that the first impressions (always so impoTtant and lasting) 
of his countrymen on the inhabitants of the strange unknown 
land should be of the most favourable kind. He kept his 
men well in hand and distributed presents so liberally that 
the Chinese, struck with the mild behaviour of men possessed 
of such powerful ships and arms, consented that he should 
be allowed to trade at Tamao in the island of San-shan, where 
later S. Francis Xavier died and was buried. The location 
of the grave of the great Catholic Apostle of the East in 
the small island which was the first trading station of the 
Portuguese, is symbolical of their future action in China, 
which was as energetic in the diffusion of religion as in the 
promotion of commercial interests. It is probable that Tamao 
was not a special place assigned to the Portuguese, but a 
port already frequented by Malay- Indian merchants, where 
they met the Chinese merchants and exchanged commodities 
until the end of the monsoon, when all business was settled 
up and the island abandoned until next season. Throughout 
all their commercial enterprises the Portuguese seldom 


founded new places but preferred occupying those which 
were already renowned as marts. It was sufficient for them 
to connect the great commercial centres of Asia to the sea- 
route they had discoTered. 

The permission to trade at Tamao satisfied the enterprising 
Portuguese only as a first step towards the establishment 
of commercial relations with the great empire of Eastern 
Asia. They at once began to extend their explorations and 
negotiations. George Mascarenhas took advantage of the 
.presence at Tamao of some ships from the Liu-kiu Islands, 
to follow them in tlieir homeward voyage. He was thus able 
to explore the southern part of the eastern coast of China 
vdth a rapidity and security that would have been impossible 
had he travelled alone. He probably touched at places on 
the coast of Fokien and Chekiang, and led the wa,y in the 
trade which afterwards centred in Chinchew and Liampoo. 
Fernao Peres de Andrade, on the other hand, was allowed 
to go to Canton with two vessels, and there negotiated so 
successfully with the local government that he obtained 
])ennission to trade with China and Canton. His stay at 
Canton was very short, as he had to go back to Tamao to 
assist his other six vessels, Avhich were threatened by an attack 
of pirates. Fernao Peres de Andrade continued to show 
the greatest justice and probity in all his transactions, and 
before leaving Tamao, proclaimed that he was ready to redress 
any grievance and make up any loss rhat had been incurred 
by or through any misconduct of his men. 

Up to this time the intercourse between the Portuguese 
and Chinese had been of the most friendly nature, and an 
extensive secure trade, besides many other advantages, would 
have been derived from it) at once, if the inconsiderate action 
of men of unruly passions had not destroyed all the good 
effects of the wise, benignant policy of Alfonso Dalboquerque 




and Fernao Peres de Andrade. In 1518 Simao de Andrade 
arrived at Tamao with a ship and three junks. His conduct was 
entirely opposite to that of his brother : he began to treat the 
Chinese with oppressioiij and disregarded all considerations 
of international law. Without permission he built a fort 
at Tamao, and exercised sovereign authority, ignoring the 
jurisdiction of the Chinese officials. He is also accused of 
committing acts of piracy, of enslaving the Chinese and 
kidnapping girls on the coast. Under such a commander it 
was natural that the men should commit the worst excesses. 
At last the abuses became so intolerable that the Portuguese 
were blockaded by a Chinese fleet which would have starved 
them into subznission if a gale had not luckily enabled throe 
of their vessels to successfully run the blockade in 1521. 

The bad conduct of Simao de Andrade not only stopped 
Portuguese trade at Tamao, but it led to even worse conse- 
quences, ruining negotiations which if carried on in the spirit 
of Dalboquerque might have obtained official sanction from 
the Emperor to trade between China and Portugal. When 
Fernao Peres de Andrade arrived in 1517 he brought with him 
Thome Pires, an intelligent man of prepossessing appearance, 
who had been appointed by the Governor of Portuguese India 
to go as envoy to the Emperor of China and propose friend- 
ship and free trade between the two countries. ^ Do Andrade 
mentioned this fact to the high authorities in Canton when 
he went there, and before leaving he landed the envoy and 
his retinue. It was a long time however before Thome Pires 
could even get permission to start for Peking. The ambassador 
who had been sent by the dethroned King of Malacca, though 

Lopo Soares cle Albergariou 

® Thome Pires was not a man of very high distinction, as he was an 
apothecary who had been employed in choosing drugs in India, hut his 
natural qualities rendered him the moat suitable, as he was pleasant in 

manner and mos'' : *- ^nding out things, and had a quick intellect 

for business (m? i .■ 



he had been unable to obtain armed assistance to reinstate 
his master, had been successful in rousing suspicions against 
the Portuguese at the Court of Peking, and the first answer 
the Portuguese mission received was that they must evacuate 
Malacca. At last, in 1520, on the 15th January, Thome Pires 
was allowed to go to Peking to explain matters and defend 
his country against the slandei’S of its enemies. He started 
in three vessels gaily bedecked with flags and silk awning 
and bearing the arms of his country. He did not reach 
Peking till the 11th January of 1521. His departure in- 
creased the malevolence of the inveterate enemies the Maho- 
metans of Canton, who there as everywhere feared that the 
advent of the Portuguese meant the collapse of their secular 
monopoly in trade. They spread the report that the Portuguese 
wanted to ruin all shipping, so that they might remain the 
sole carriers of the trade of the whole world. Unfortunately 
at that time the overbearing piratical conduct of Simao de 
Andrade bore out their statements, and the former mild 
behaviour of his brother and the friendly embassy of Thome 
Pires, in the light of later events, seemed only the deceitful 
advances of treachery. The mandarins of Canton reported 
that the Portuguese, pretending to be merchants, really came 
to spy the country that they might afterwards conquer it. 
In consequence of all these representations the diplomatic 
character of Thome Pires’ mission was not recognised, and 
the new Emperor Ohia-ching sent him and his retinue back 
to Canton to be kept in prison as spies. 

These untoward events took away all chance of success 
from a second official commercial expedition which about 
that time reached China. In 1521, in the fleet which left 
Lisbon for the newly-discovered Indies, among the other bold 
adventurous Portuguese there was Martim Affonso de Mello, 
who was entrusted by King D. Manuel with an important 
mission for Chin^. He was to go to Tsm^o q^nd make friend-^ 



ship with tlie king of China, and then establish, either there 
or in any other place found most suitable, a fortress where 
the Portuguese might carry on their trade in a settled way. 
He was to be the captain of this fortress. He was also informed 
that the business was much facilitated on account of another 
mission having been already sent to the King of China by 
Perniio Peres de Andrade. Martini Affonso de Mello started 
with six vessels from Malacca to carry out his instructions 
on the 10th July 1522 and he andved at Tamao in 
August. A great deception awaited him: the ambassador 
Thome PireSj who was to have smoothed the way for his 
negotiations, was then in prison, and the rich presents he 
had brought for the Emperor of China had been stolen by the 
official underlings. Simao de Andrade with his Portuguese 
had been driven out of Tamao the year before. The Chinese, 
emboldened by this military success against the formidable 
strangers, and by the humiliation inflicted on the embassy, 
w^ere prepared to attack the Portuguese with a large squadron 
and destroy them as pirates. Martini Affonso tried to parley, 
and sent boats to the admiral of the squadron, but as they did 
not return lie saw that things were in a hopeless state of 
hostility and that it would be folly to risk himself in the 
hai’bour. As he was sailing away the Chinese attacked him 
in great force. The Portuguese, heavily outnumbered, defended 
themselves with the bravery which rendered them famous 
at that time throughout Asia, but unfortunately one vessel 
was destroyed by the explosion of the powder magazine, and 
another was taken by the Chinese, though after such a strenuous 
resistance that Martim Affonso was able to escape with the 
rest. He reached Malacca in October whence he sailed back 
to India with the monsoon. 

This was the last attempt in the 16th century to establish 
trade between the two countries on an international basis. 
Its failure however did not prevent merchants continuing to 


trade privately either with the connivance of the mandarins 
or by a certain display of force. It was a business full of 
risk and danger, because the Portuguese had to fight not only 
against the Chinese authorities, when they were hostile, but 
also against their commercial rivals the Mahometans, especially 
their deadly enemies the Giizerates ® and against the pirates 
of every nationality that then swarmed along the coasts of 
Asia. The profits of a successful commercial voyage were 
then so great, that it paid the risk of a total loss through 
piracy or typhoons. It must also he held in mind that piracy 
cut both ways, and though it might entail loss of ships and 
cargo, it might also bring the capture of a rich prize of the 

The bad conduct of Simao de Andrade at Tamao and the 
sea-fights which ensued did not prevent Portuguese vessels 
from frequenting it at a later date. In 1554, Lampacao, an 
island close to Macao, was fixed as a place of foreign trade, and 
three years later this was transferred to Macao. Before these 
dates the Portuguese traded, and are said to have established 
even what we should call settlements, at Ohincheu and Ningpo. 
They were impelled to do this not only from the desire to 
open new channels of trade, but also to remove at such a 
distance from Tamao that they should not be affected by the 
reports of the past misconduct of some of their countrymen. On 
examination we shall find that the principal trading stations at 
that early period were three — in the South successively Tamao, 
Lampacan, Macao ; in the North, Liampo (Ningpo) and 
about half-way between them Chincbeu. They correspond 
very nearly to the first treaty-ports, which is not wonderful, 
as the choice of trading-stations is dependent on causes of a 

« In the attack on Malacca under Balboquerqne, the Corainentaries 
mention that the Guzerates, on account of commercial jealousy, were the 
worst enemies of the Portuguese, exciting the king against them with false- 
hood and calumny. 



permanent nature, such as geographical position and proximity 
to regions of production ; therefore the Portuguese only followed 
in the routes pursued for centuries by Mahometan traders, and 
the English at first did the same. This identity of location now 
leads us to consider whether there may not be points of resem- 
blance between the life of these early settlers and that of the 
residents in the Far East, during this century. It will be the 
object of the remainder of this paper to describe life as it 
was then in China, and to show that, though more than 
three centuries have passed yet many things have remained 

We have several accounts of European life and enterprise 
in China in the 16th century, but the fullest and most 
picturesque is that which we find in the Peregrinacao of 
Fernao Mendez Pinto. Unfortunately this author has had a 
very bad reputation : they have punned upon his name and 
called him mendacious Pinto, and Congreve has perpetuated this 
opinion by his famous line “ Mendez Pinto was but a type of 
thee, thou liar of the first magnitude.’’ Modern criticism 
which has revised so many judgements of the past, is more 
indulgent towards him and admits that his book contains a 
true account of his adventures though embellished by his 
fervid imagination. I am afraid I cannot agree with this 
favourable view. I have carefully read several times all the 
parts of his work which refer to the present subject, and 
whenever it was possible I have checked his dates and facts : 
the result has been to find him generally inaccurate, and 1 do 
not think his wox'k is of any historical value. I shall give 
later on the several instances of inaccuracy I have detected. 
I have been tempted, when I was exasperated at the discovery 
of some incongruity or palpable exaggeration, to discard him 
altogether, but I reflected that even works of fiction are often 
of some historical value, as they show the current of thought 
of the times and derive their colouring from the bias of men’^ 



minds. At tlie same time I was struck by finding occasionally 
either descriptions of places which corresponded to existing 
facts, or notices of national character and customs which agree 
with all that our later experience of China has taught us. 
I think then, that the Peregrinacao of Pernao Mendez Pinto 
may give us much useful information if we extract it with the 
following restrictions : never to rely upon him exclusively for 
the proof of any important historical event ; to accept his 
accounts of people and customs only when they agree with 
what we know of them from later knowledge, in which case the 
agreement is strong evidence that he must have seen what he 
describes correctly ; lastly, we may rely on him exclusively to 
give us a general view of the life of the roving Portuguese 
adventurers of that time in the Far East, On such a point 
his inaccuracy is of little moment, nay, perhaps advantageous, 
it would lead him to give a fuller picture of those strange 
times. If he describes exploits which never happened to him, 
he must have invented them of such a nature as to coiTespond 
with the real experience of his fellow adventurers, so that they 
might seem probable and be pleasant to read. His work then, 
instead of being an account of the adventures of one man, 
would be of those of his nation at that epoch in the Far East. 

I shall now give a brief account of the causes which 
brought our author to the coast of China and what he saw and 
did there. 

Fernao Mendez Pinto, after many other misfortunes, was 
attacked on the coast of Siam in a ship belonging to some 
Portuguese of Patane by the pirate Coja Acem, a Guzerat 
Moor, who had vowed deadly enmity to the Portuguese nation. 
With the greatest difficulty our author and two others escaped 
with their lives, and after many hardships were able to return 
to Patane and report the loss of their ship and rich cargo. 
Amongst the losers by this transaction, there was a certain 
Antonio de Faria, who had sent by the ill-fated vessel a cargo 



of merchandise from the sale of which he hoped to pay 12,000 
crusados he owed to merchants in Malacca. He now found 
himself penniless and indebted. He dared not go back to 
Malacca and face his creditors, so he swore on the Gospels to 
go in search of the corsair and be revenged of his loss. He 
succeeded so well in enlisting public sympathy for this project 
by describing the loss of Christian lives there had been, and 
the danger to commerce in allowing such a pirate to rove with 
impunity, that all the Portuguese in Patane assisted him in 
fitting out his expedition ; the rich ones subscribed money to 
provide a ship and arms, the poor ones offered their services 
as soldiers. Amongst the latter there was F. M. Pinto, who, 
as he pithily puts it, had only been able to save from the 
disaster his poor person with three dart-wounds and a stone- 
cut on the head, which had endangered his life three or 
four times, and had compelled him to have a bone taken out 
before leaving Patane. 

In 18 daj^s Antonio de Faria was able to gather 55 fighting 
men, and he started for the island of Ainao, where it was 
reported Coja Acem was to be found, on Saturday 9th May 
1540.^ It was a long time before he could come up with his 
enemy and carry out his vow, but he did not lose his time, as 
he was able to scour the whole coast up to Liampo (Ningpo) 
and destroy many other pirates. F. M. Pinto, in his usual 
pious style says : God, who draws good from evil, allowed 
Coja Acem to commit his piracy that Antonio de Faria 
might form the resolution to go in search of him and so 

^ This is the first inaccuracy of P. M. Pinto, which I will point out : the 
9th May 1640 was not a Saturday but a Sunday. Not only is F. M. Pinto 
incorrect but he is not even consistent, because later on in Chapter LXXI 
he says that the 14th May 1542 was a Monday, while to agree with his former 
statement it should be a Saturday (the 14th May 1642 was really a Sunday). 
These mistakes are trifling, and natural in a mn.n who could have kept no 
2 iotes in the midst of so many shipwrecks and adventures, but his pretension 
to minute accuracy in dates when he could not possess the means of doing 
so, shows a looseness of statement that shakes our faith in him. Later on 
we shall find more important instances of this nature. 

AHI) SlE^TtEKENtg llT ChInA. 


destroy many other robbers who deserved such punishment 
at the hands of the Portuguese nation.® It will give an 
idea of the dangers of maritime commerce in these seas at 
that time, to know that in less than 18 months from the coast 
of Oochinchina up to Ningpo, Antonio de Faria destroyed six 
famous pirates besides others which are not mentioned. Most 
of them had taken several vessels and killed many Portuguese. 
Generally a short history of the previous career of each pirate is 
given as soon as he has been defeated and killed. Some of these 
pirates had lived with tlie Portuguese, had been baptised, married 
to half-caste daughters of respectable Portuguese, and had 
assumed, either at conversion or from bravado after a piratical 
victory, some famous foreign name. The sea-figlits ai'e described 
very minutely and ai*e mostly alike : after a general discharge 
of artillery the vessels grapple each other, and at close quarters 
keep up a constant tire of musketry and discharge of darts, 
until at a favourable luoment the stronger or more daring 
side throws powder-canisters^ on the enemy’s deck and sends 
its boarders to complete the victory ; severe hand-to-hand 
fitditino* with swords and hattle-axes then ensues until the 

O O 

losers are all killed or have jumped overboard. Sometimes a 
few prisoners are taken, but it is only for the purpose of 
putting them to the torture and getting some information ; 
if they refuse to or cannot give it they are tortured to death. 
The most ruthless cruelty does not prevent the actors indulg- 
ing in frequent invocations to God and the Saints, and the 

“ Mas coino lie costume de Deos nosso Seuhor de grandes males tirar 
grandes bees, permitio pela inteiroKa de sua divina jiistk;a, que do roiibo que 
boja Acera nos fuz iia barra de Lugor, como atrAs lica cUto, nacesse a 
Antonio do Faria determinarse em Patane de yv buscar, para castigo de 
outros ladroes (j,ue tao nierecido otiuhao a iiayao Portuguesa. In all the 
Portuguese writings of the time we lind this vein of religious thought jn- 
spiring their commercial and warlike expeditions : they considered that God 
had sent them on a special mission to Asia, and that he was always further- 
ing their schemes and averting dangers. Such an ever present consciousness 
of Divine assistance must have been a great source of strength to the nation. 

"This method of attack was preserved by tlie ChintBi pirates up till (luite 




most common measure of time for a short desperate struggle 
is the time required to recite some prayer : thus P. M. Pinto, 
describing the final rush of some pirates discovered in their 
hiding-place in a captured vessel, says, they attacked us in a 
much and the fight was so desperate that in less than three 
credos^ which it took us to finish them, they had killed 
2 Portuguese and 7 others besides wounding 20 more.” 

It is very curious to notice how Antonio de F aria was slowly 
and insensibly drawn on from his original purpose of simply 
revenging his wrongs, to become a chastiser of piracy, then 
little better than a corsair himself, and finally to grow so bold 
as to attack and burn a town. His first engagement was 
forced upon him, as the pirate took him to be a merchant and 
tried to surprise him by night. Other pirates he attacked 
because he thought they were Coja Acein, and thus getting 
gradually accustomed to bloodshed and lawless violence he 
came at last to carry off a poor bride that was going by sea 
to her husband, and on the coast of Ainao he went so far as to 
levy a kind of maritime black-mail. The Chinese merchants 
who had watched one of his successful fights from their junks, 
were so frightened that they sent a deputation offering him 
20,000 taels of silver if he would protect them as king of the 
sea. Antonio de Faria consented to this, and issued regular 
passes for their protection. F. M. Pinto gives the text of 
these curious documents and adds that there was such a 
rush for them, that one of Faria’s men who had been appointed 
to write them, and received 5 taels for each junk and 2 for 
every smaller vessel, made more than 4,000 taels in 13 days, 
besides rich presents from the merchants who were in a hurry 
to get their passes first. 

^‘’Segui'o debaixo de minha verdade a,o Necoda, foao, para que posaa 
navegar livremente por toda a costa da China, sem ser agravado de nenhnm 
dos mens cu tan to que onde vir Portugueses os fcrate como irmaos & asinavase 
ao p6 Antonio de Faria, 



The successful cruise of over seven months in the Gulf of 
Oochinchina (Gulf of Tonking) had powerfully increased 
A. de Faria’s armament. He had kept the best of the captured 
vessels and armed them with Portuguese f)risoners he had 
liberated or with piratical sailors he had pressed into his 
service. He now had four ships and over 600 men under his 
command. His successes, however, did not drive from his 
mind the original purpose for which he started, and he was 
always bent on finding Coja Acem. His men did not share 
these sentiments, they were tired of the long navigation, and as 
an immense booty had been accumulated they were clamorous 
for a division of spoils so that they might go to India or 
where they listed to enjoy the wealth they had won. They 
were on the point of carrying out this plan, and were only 
waiting for the monsoon to go back, when a dreadful storm, 
which all their skill could not weather, drove them ashore on 
an island (called Robber’s Island) near which they were 
anchored. All the vessels, booty, arms were lost and most of 
the crews were drowned. A. de Faria, who had been saved 
with about 50 of his men, kept up their spirits, and by his 
fertility of resources succeeded in escaping from the desert 
island, though in an unscrupulous way. Having observed 
the arrival of a Chinese fishing vessel, he hid his men, and by 
stealthily getting between the Chinese and their boat, he 
managed to capture the latter by a bold rush, and went out to 
sea, leaving the unfortunate Chinese to take his place on the 
island. This was but the first of several similar enterpzdses. 
As he was sailing towards Liampoo, the nearest port where he 
hoped to find Portuguese, he took out eight sailors from a fishing 
boat, as his men were too weak to work his vessel. Later on, 

Here is anotliev instance of chronological confusion, F. M. Pinto says the 
shipwreck occurred in October i.e. at most 6 months after the departure 
from Patane, and yet some time before they had been sailing for over 
7 iQonths 14 the Griilf of Tonking I 



■while he was at a place called Xamoy, he reflected that his vessel 
was not fit to take him as far as Liampoo, so he attacked in 
the night a small junk which was anchored in a solitary place, 
and cutting its cables went out to sea. By this succession of 
bold piratical acts, from utter destitution on a desert island he 
had succeeded in providing himself with a good sea-worthy 
vessel and native crew. 

Antonio de Faria was continuing his voyage to Liarapoo in 
his newly-acquired ship when he met a large junk which at 
once bore down to attack him, firing 15 pieces of artillery. 
He encouraged his men as well as he could to fight bravely 
against such terrific odds ; but before they came to close 
quarters they saw on the high bows of the junks a lot of men 
with red caps. As these were always worn then by the 
Portuguese in their naval expeditions, Faria’s men began to 
have a ray of hope, thinking they might be fellow country- 
men travelling from Liampoo to Malacca, and showing them- 
selves as much as they could on the deck, they were over- 
whelmed with joy by hearing a friendly shout from the junk — a 
boat was then lowered and among its crew came two Portuguese. 
These were very well received by A. de Faria, and they 
informed him that the captain of the junk, a Chinese corsair, 
Quiay Panjao, had 30 Portuguese on board, and that he was 
a great friend of their nation. This report served to establish 
cordial relations between the two pirates, and they agreed to 
travel together, Quiay Panjlio offering to assist A. de Faria in 
all his enterprises with a hundred men and fifteen pieces of 
artillery, provided he got a third part of the booty. A. de Faria 
consented, and according to his pious custom swore on the 
Gospels to keep this compact. 

This Chinese pirate, Quiay Panjao, is a curious figure, and 
shows us another aspect of the life of that period. The 
details of the long cruise of A, de Faria are a proof that the 
Portuguese of the 16th century in t]ie East, like the English 



of tliis century, were only a small governing body. They 
used natives of the different countries not only to work the 
ships but also as auxiliaries in fighting, and reserved them- 
selves for intelligent direction or for action at times of great 
emergency. In fact when A. de Faria, before his shipwreck, 
commanded over 600 men, he had only about 50 Portuguese 
among them. The presence of Portuguese on board a 
Chinese piratical junk shows that they consented also to be 
employed as a kind of mercenaries by friendly natives who 
had recognised their high military qualities. We shall see 
later on thnt Quiay Panjao was of great use, by his acquaint- 
ance with the ])eople of the coast, in procuring for the 
Portuguese all that they required for their ships. His 
conduct will make us understand how the Portuguese were 
able at that time to carry on their commercial expeditions 
notwithstanding that all official attempts to obtain free trade 
for them had failed. 

His new Chinese friend advised A. de Faria to go at once 
to Chincheo, where he would meet other Portuguese, and 
where they might learn something about Liampoo. There 
was a rumour then about the country that the King of China 
had fitted out a fleet of 400 junks with 100,000 men on 
board, and had sent it to Liampoo to drive out the Portuguese 
and burn their ships and houses, because he did not wish 
to have them any longer in his country, as they were not 
faithful, quiet people as he had formerly been told. I mention 
in full this report because we shall find it elsewhere and 
because it refers to one important historical event on which 
I shall have much to say. When A. de Faria reached 
Chincheo, he found five Portuguese vessels there, and was 
received with great joy and festivity. Nothing was known 
about Liampoo except that the Chinese said there were many 
Portuguese wintering there, besides others newly arrived 
froip. Malacca, Cunda, Siao and Patane, and that they were 



transacting their business very quietly. The large fleet had 
not gone there and was probably at the Goto Islands to 
support an ally of the King of China. 

Having found out what they wanted they prosecuted their 
voyage to Liampoo, with a reinforcement of 35 soldiers 
they had picked up from the five Portuguese vessels they 
had found at anchor at Chincheo. After sailing for five 
days against head winds they caught sight of a small fishing 
vessel manned by eight Portuguese, most of them wounded. 
These, on being taken on board, gave a sad account of their 
misfortunes. They were the sole survivors of a ship that 
had left Liampoo for Malacca and India seventeen days 
before, and had been attacked and taken by a Guzerate pirate 
called Goja Acem. After a brave resistance they had been 
overpowered by the enemy, who was 500 strong and had 
seven vessels ; eighty-two of them were killed, among which 
eighteen Portuguese, and nearly as many taken. A. de Faria 
listened to their story with great interest, cross-examined 
them, and enquired what had been the probable loss of the 
pirate himself, and whether the damages sustained by his 
vessels would not compel him to remain some time in the 
river where they had left him. As soon as he had elicited 
all the information he required, A. de Faria took off his cap 
and knelt on the deck and made a long prayer aloud, 
begging God to give him strength and victory against this 
cruel slayer of the Portuguese, whom he intended to seek as 
he had sought him heretofore, to punish him for the evil he 
had committed for so long. All his crew approved him 
shouting, A elles ! a elles ! co nome de Christo ” (At 
them ! at them ! in the name of Christ).^^ 

Before engaging in such serious business as a death 
struggle with a formidable pirate like Coja Acem, it was 

This cry corresponds to the ‘‘A lor ! a lor ! ” of the Italian sailors in the 
middle ages during the interuepine wars of Qenoa aud Venice, 



necessary to make fall preparations, and A. de Faria put 
back to Lailoo, a port eight leagues astei*n. Here the 
assistance of Qaiay Panjao was invaluable. He had many 
relations in the place and he obtained permission from the 
Mandarin to buy all they wanted. F. M. Pinto at this point 
is enthusiastic about China, and says that of all countries in 
the world it is the most abundantly supplied with all that 
one may wantd^ Judging from the list of purchases made 
by A. de Faria certainly its resources, in a small place of 300 
or 400 people, were taxed to the utmost. He sold the two 
small vessels he had, and bought two large high junks and 
two rowing vessels ; he engaged 160 sailors and provided 
himself with cables, chains, ropes, anchors, naval stox'es, 
provisions, cord, sulphur, bullets, darts and other kinds of 
warlike material. The armament when complete was very 
formidable. There were more than 500 men, both sailors 
and soldiers, among which 95 Portuguese, all brave deter- 
mined fellows ; they had 40 pieces of artillery and 160 
muskets ; 900 canisters, 400 of gunpowder and the rest of 
quicklime, as used by the Chinese, and 4,000 darts. Where 
the money came from to buy all these things is not very 
clear. A. de Faria had lost all the treasures he had won, 
in the shipwreck, and the common funds must have been 
furnished by Quiay Panjao, who thus showed great confidence 
in the future victories of his friend. 

The little fleet sailed for the river where Coja Acem had 
been busy refitting his vessels, and an experienced Portu- 
guese dressed as a Chinaman was sent to explore the position 
of the enemy. He returned reporting that the pirate was 
at anchor with a large portion of his forces on shore, and 
that it would be easy to destroy him. Sailing up the river 

^^PoiHiue esta excellencia tern a terra da China sobre todns as outras^ ser 
niais abaatada de tiido o que se pode desejar, que todas quantas ha uo mundo. 



with wind and tide they reached the enemy about dawn. He 
kept such good watch that as soon as they appeared a bell 
was rung and the pirates on board and on shore began to 
rush to arms. A. de Faria, seeing that a surprise had failed, 
shouted to his men to. attack at once in the name of Christ 
and Santiago. A general discharge of musketry and artillery 
cleared the enemy’s decks. F. M. Pinto grows quite 
eloquent in his description of the wild scene which followed. 
The enemy could not repair the disadvantage of having 
their forces divided, and this gave the Portuguese an easy 
victory. As soon as the pirates on shore tried to join their 
comrades, their boats were sunk by the well-aimed artillery 
of the Portuguese. A last effort was made by Cqja Acem 
himself, who shouting Lah hilah hilah lah Muhamed ro(;ol 
halah!”^® encouraged his men by all the promises of Ma- 
homet’s Paradise to destroy the hated Christians, but A. de 
Faria, after making a similar religions exhortation to his 
men, with an allusion to Christ put on the Cross for them 
whom he would not abandon, sinners as they were, to the 
heathen dogs, rushed at Coja Acem with a two-handed sword 
aud knocked him down with a blow on his cap of mail and 
then severed both his legs with a second blow. This was 
the sign for a desperate melee ^ because all the Mahometans 
rushed on A. de Faria and the Portuguese rushed to his 
rescue, and, as F, M, Pinto puts ii, in less than two credos 
48 of the enemy and 14 of his men, amongst which five 
Portuguese, were killed over the body of Coja Acem. 

A briga se travou eiitre todos de maneyra. que realmeate confe«rio q 
nao me atrevo a particularizar o que nella pasaou, inda quo me acliey 
pre^eiite, porque aitida neste tempo a meiiham iiao era bem clara, & a 
revolta Job iuimigos & nosaa era tamaiiha, junfameute co eatrondo doe 
tabores, bacias, & siuos, & com as gritas brados de bus & dos oiitros. 
acompanhados de muytos pilouros de artilharia, & de arcabusaria, & ua 
terra o retombar dos ecos pelas concavidades dos yalles, & outeyros, que as 
carnes tremiito de medo. 

This romanisatioii of an Arabic sentence is very good and shows that 
F. M. Pinto must have had a good ear for languages, because it is probable 
lie did not know Ara,bic. 



The victory was most complete : all the enemy were either 
killed or drowned and their vessels, loaded with wealth, became 
the prize of the victors. A. de Faria behaved very liberally 
to his people : he gave to the Portuguese from Liampoo all 
that they had lost in their ship, and he ordered that all slaves 
should be liberated. He committed, however, an act of such 
barbarity that even F . M. Pinto, who by this time must have 
been accustomed to atrocities of every kind, was shocked. 
After landing he proceeded a short way into the country, and 
came upon a temple which was full of sick and wounded men 
that had been left there by Goja Acem. As soon as these 
poor wretches saw A. de Faria they gave a great cry, 
beseeching for mercy, but he refused to grant it, saying that 
it was not proper to give life to those who had killed so many 
Christians. He ordered the building should be set on fire in 
six or seven places, and as it was of tarred timber covered 
with dried palm-leaves it burned rapidly, and the scene was 
dreadful and heartrending on account of the horrible shrieks 
which the miserable creatures uttered when the flames spread 
everywhere. Some tried to escape by jumping from the 
windows, but they were spitted on the points of lances by 
Faria’s men who were waiting for them below. 

A, de Faria remained on the spot where he had destroyed 
his great enemy nearly a month, to enable the sick and 
wounded to recover, and then he resumed his course for 
Liampoo loaded with all the wealth of Coja Acem. His mis- 
fortunes were not yet over, because a dreadful storm destroyed 
two junks and a lorcha, and he lost more than a hundred men, 
amongst which 11 Portuguese and 200,000 crusados worth 
of goods. F. M. Pinto makes some sad remarks^® about the 

E estas pancadas tais tem esta costa da China mais que todas as das 
outras terras, pelo que ninguem p6de navegar seguro nella hu s6 aimo que 
Ihe nao aconteqao desastres, se com as conjunqoes das luas cheyas se nao 
meter nas calheitas dao portos que tem muytos & muyto bos, onde sem 
nenhum receyo se p6de eutrar, porq toda he limpa, tirado somente Lamau 
Sumbor, que tem bus baixos gbra de paeya legoa d^s bar^s^ da parte 
do Sul. 




dreadful storms to •wliicli navigators of the China coast are 
exposed to, and which it must have been very difficult to 
weather with the small vessels and imperfect knowledge of 
the period. During the storm some of the shipwrecked 
Portuguese had been thrown ashore and there they had been 
seized and carried off as prisoners to a neighbouring town 
called Nonday. A. de Faria, in his endeavours to get back 
these men, was by a curious series of circumstances forced 
into another piratical adventure of much greater importance 
than any of his former ones. 

The negotiations for the release of the prisoners between 
the Mandarin of Nonday and A. de Faria are very amusing, 
and furnish us probably with only a slightly coloured picture 
of what official transactions were at that time. As soon as 
it was found that the shipwrecked sailors were in prison at 
Nonday, A. de Faria was advised by the Chinese to wiite 
a petition to the Mandarin asking for them, and promising 
to pay a ransom if necessary ; a present also was sent. The 
mistake of writing a petition as if he were a Chinaman, 
and of sending a present, were at once put down to their true 
cause — his anxiety to get back his men — and this feeling was 
played upon until he could stand it no longer, and a rupture 
took place. The answer of the Mandarin came scrawled in 
the margin of the petition, and according to F. M. Pinto was 
to this effect : Let your mouth come befoi’e my feet, and after 
being heard I shall show you if you will get justice. A. de Faria 
was very angry at this ill-mannered answer, as he saw it would 
be difficult to liberate the prisoners. After some consultation 
he sent what should have been sent the first time, a letter 
between equals, with none of the ceremonies of the Gentiles, 
and not in form of a petition. The request for the prisonex's was 
repeated, 2,000 taels was offered for them, and it 'was added 
he would not leave the coast until the men were givexa back. 
He hoped in this wajy to frighten the Mandarin, F, Mi 



Vmio says that two grave mistakes were made in the compila- 
tion of this letter, which ruined the whole business : first, to 
say that A. de Faria was a respectable merchant of Liampoo, 
who traded peacefully there and always had paid his duties ; 
second, to say that, as the King of Portugal was brother to the 
King of China, the Portuguese came there to trade just as the 
Chinese were allowed to trade at Malacca. These two points 
displeased the Mandarin. He did not like any official refer- 
rence to the trade clandestinely carried on at Kingpo, and the 
assumption of equality between the kings of the two countries 
upset all his preconceived notions and made him furious. 
His answer came on a broken piece of paper, and began by 
calling A. de Faria the bad egg of a flesh-fly engendered 
in a filthy dung-hill ; then he said that at first, touched by his 
humble petition, he was disposed to favour, and had pity on 
him, but now after his insolence in daxdng to meddle with the 
Emperor and other Heavenly things far above his meanness 
he deserved no mercy and was ordered to leave the coast at 
once, at once without delay. When A. de Faria heard the 
contents of the letter from the tansim^'^ (as they called the 
interpreter), he was very angry, and after consulting his men 
it was decided to attack the place and free their captives 
by force. 

They sailed up the river and anchored close to the city. 
After another fruitless attempt to come to a pacific solution 
they marched to attack the city. They were 300 strong includ- 
ing 70 Portuguese, and they had 160 muskets, besides lances 
and other weapons ; their vessels were also disposed so that 
they could be supported by artillery. F. M, Pinto remarks 
on the great display of flags and shouting on the walls, and 
says it was of people who trusted more in words and external 

^’’This is probably the rendering of and would show thafc 

F. M. Pinto must have picked up a few words of Chinese otherwise he could 
not have remembered this one when he was writing his book, 



show than in actions. Over a thousand men came out to 
meet the Portuguese and began to skirmish in a wild way, 
though at a safe distance, and he says it looked as if they 
were thrashing corn on a thrashing-floor, they wheeled about 
in such confusion. When they saw that the Portuguese were 
not frightened by all these warlike demonstrations they 
gathered together in some disoi’der. A. de Faria ordered a 
general discharge of musketry, and charged the enemy with 
such vigour that they fled wildly to the city and were slaugh- 
tered helplessly as they crowded on the bridge over the city 
moat to get through the gate as fast as they could. This 
butchery over, the Portuguese, still pursuing the remaining 
fugitives, came to the gate, where they found the Mandarin 
himself with a picked body of 600 soldiers. These fought very 
well, so that it took four or five credos before the Portuguese 
could secure victory, and this was owing more to chance, as a 
lucky shot killed the Mandarin, which so disheartened his 
soldiers that they fled right through the city and out again at 
the opposite gate, the Portuguese all the time pursuing and 
driving them before them like a herd of cattle. A. de Faria 
only allowed half-an-hour to his men to carry off w^hat they 
liked from the city, as he was afraid the enemy might come 
hack with reinforcements from the country. After an hour 
and a-half, as his men would not desist from plundering, A. de 
Faria set fire to the town in ten or twelve places, and as it 
was built of pinewood, F. M. Pinto says that in a quarter of 
an hour it burnt like a thing of helL^^ 

In the above passages of F. M. Pinto there is nothing that 
is improbable and much that resembles what we know of 
China both before and after that period ; there may be some 
exaggeration, and the adventures are perhaps too many for the 
experience of one man, but this does not affect the use we are 

Que parecia cousa do inferno. 

settlements IN OfilNA, 


making of his book, Le* to get a vivid picture of the life of the 
Portuguese adventurers in China. We learn from him that 
piracy was then rampant on the coast, but so has it ever been 
up to the introduction of steam, and sporadic cases have 
happened even since. We find that Portuguese merchants 
frequented Chincheo and Liampoo, and this is highly probable 
because Mahomedan merchants had done the same for centuries, 
and the Portuguese simply supplanted them everywhere. 
The negotiations with the Mandarin at Nonday bring out one 
or two points which the later history of China has made us 
familiar with — the refusal of the Mandarins to recognise 
officially clandestine trade which they knew existed and could 
not or would not prevent, and the assumption that the 
Emperor of China is superior to all other monarchs of the 
world. Such facts must have been picked up by F. M. Pinto 
in China, and he must have witnessed similar negotiations 
whether at Nonday or elsewhere. Before following our 
author in a subject of much greater importance, where he 
treats of facts of a strange nature, i.e, the extensive settlement 
of the Portuguese at Liampoo and its complete and sudden 
destruction by the Chinese — facts wffiich require the strongest 
corroboration before we can accept them from an author given 
to exaggeration and loose statements — let us see what we can 
glean from another writer of the period. 

Caspar da Cruz,^® a Dominican friar, in his Tmctedo da 
Chhia, gives us incidentally some account of the Portuguese 
traders of that time. He says that after 1554 commerce was 
carried on very quietly and no ship was lost except in 
unusually bad storms, while before that date, as there was 
constant fighting between the Chinese and the Portuguese, 
the latter had often to run out to sea to avoid the enemy’s fleet 

He came to China as a missionary on a Chinese junk, and must have 
had a certain knowledge of the language. His remarks on all subjects are 
very sensible. 



and thus exposed themselves to storms in ill-sheltered places. 
In the above-mentioned year Leonel da Sousa (capitam moor) 
agreed with the Chinese to pay duty if they allowed him to 
trade, and after that Canton was opened to the Portuguese 
with great profit and satisfaction to both sides. He says that 
the disturbance caused by Fernam Perez Andrade^^ had raised 
such hatred against the Portuguese that they were called 
‘‘fancui,”^^ which means “men of the devil,” while after the 
pacification of 1554, though they were not called Portuguese, 
yet they were styled “fangim” which means ^'men of other 
coasts.” Father da Cruz then goes on to explain that the 
Chinese cannot leave their country, and if they do so they are 
obliged to remain abroad to avoid punishment, and this accounts 
for the presence of so many Chinese in Malacca and elsewhere. 
This class of Chinese outlaws furnishes the Portuguese with 
all the assistance and information necessary for navigating 
and trading on the coast of China : they have relations and 
friends ashore from whom they can get provisions and with 
whom they can arrange business, and when it comes to paying 
the Customs duties they ask a Portuguese friend to lend them 
his name, for which they pay him a consideration^^. These 
foreign-residing Chinese, after the conduct of Andrade had 
stopped trade at Tainao, encouraged the Portuguese to go to 
Liampoo, as in that part of the coast there were not many 
cities, but large villages of poor people who were only too 
glad to sell provisions to the strangers. These Chinese used 
to act as middlemen between the Portuguese and native 
merchants in all their transactions, and used to give bribes to 
the Mandarins that they might wink at the trade. We 

He mistakes him for his brother. As may be seen, this author si^eils the 
name differently from F. M. Pinto. 

According to this account Simao de Andrade would be the prototype 
for which the term ‘'fankwai” was coined, a term which has been so liberally 
applied’ since to all foreigners, however weak and harmless they might be. 

This is still practised in China, and shows how little inffuence three 
centuries have had in changing chai-acter and customs. 



recognise in them the ancestors of our old friends the com- 
pradores. This clandestine commerce went on for along while 
without coming to the knowledge of the Emperor and great 
provincial authorities, so that the Portuguese, growing bold, 
began to trade also at Ohineheo and the islands near Canton. 
Matters progressed so favourably that the Portuguese went so 
far as to remain all the winter at the islands of Liampoo and to 
settle permanently, and with such freedom that the only thing 
wanting was that they should have a pillory and gallows.^^ 
But as the Chinese who were with the Portuguese, and some 
of the latter, began to overstep all bounds and to rob and to 
kill, the whole business came to the knowledge of the great 
provincial authorities and of the Emperor. He ordered at 
once that a large squadron should be fitted out in Fokien, to 
drive all the robbers oft' the coast, especially those of Liampoo. 
The merchants, both Chinese and Portuguese, were reckoned 
among the robbei*s. The fleet set sail, and as the winds were 
not favourable, instead of going to Liampoo they steered for 
Ohineheo, and wherever they met Portuguese vessels they 
fought with them. The Portuguese continued fighting for 
many days in the hope that they might find some opportunity 
of selling their goods, but as none oftered itself they decided 
to depart. The captains of the Chinese squadron on hearing 
of this sent a messenger secretly one night, saying that if they 
would give them something they might go on trading. The 
Portuguese, delighted at this message, sent a rich present, after 
which there was no difficulty in selling and buying goods. 

This happened in 1548 ; the following year the vigilance of 
the squadron was more strict,^^ With all their care however 

this the author means territorial jurisdiction, the right which the 
Chinese always contested, with the Portuguese. 

This clandestine trading of the Portuguese is very similar to what 
happened in this century before the Treaties were concluded, when the opium 
traffic was carried on secretly by armed vessels called gun-brigs, which used 
to land their cargoes among the islands of the southern coast where their 
native accomplices were ready to receive them. Namoa Island, 1 believe, 
yyas a favourite spot for such -rendezvous, 



they could not prevent, among the chain of islands that line 
the coast of China, some merchandise from being smuggled 
on board the Portuguese vessels. It was not sufficient 
however to load the ships for their return voyage, nor had all 
the cargo they had brought been sold, so it was agreed two 
vessels with 30 Portuguese should remain to dispose of the 
unsold goods. The Chinese, by a clever stratagem, succeeded in 
seizing these ships ; they provoked the Portuguese until they 
came on shore to fight, and the fleet that was hidden behind a 
headland then swooped down on the defenceless vessels. The 
Portuguese on land, deprived of their means of escape, were 
made prisoners. The Mandarin who had commanded this 
attack, proud of his victory, determined to get all the glory he 
could out of it, and devised a still more brilliant scheme. He 
dressed up four of the Portuguese with long gowns, night- 
shirts and caps, and declared they were Kings of Malacca. 
Four large flags with their names were carried in front 
of them, and whenever he entered a village or town there 
was a great noise and flourish of trumpets, and criers 
proclaimed the great victory of the Mandarin over four Kings 
of Malacca. This farce was kept up a long time, but, as to 
keep the truth secret he had to kill all the Chinese who 
accompanied the Portuguese, the relations of the murdered 
men made such a clamour that a special enquiry was made. 
After much difficulty, because the Portuguese could not 
understand, nor be understood by the enquiring officials, and 
the only interpreter for a long time was bribed to falsify their 
statements by the guilty Mandarin, the fraud was discovered 
and the greater part of the Portuguese regained their liberty. 
Those who had not been made to represent the part of Kings 
of Malacca had been dragged about in hen-coops (cages) with 
only their heads out, and were obliged even to eat and drink 
in that uncomfortable position.^® 

^ Even in this century foreigners have been carried about and exposed 
the public gaze in cages, 



The above account from da Cruz shows us that the 
Portuguese in the first half of the 16th century carried on 
their trade in much the same way as other foreigners did 
in the same portion of the present century. It seems to 
indicate also, that the Portuguese had established near Ningpo 
something like what we should call a settlement. 

F. M. Pinto goes much farther and describes Portuguese 
Liampoo in glowing terms. He says there were 3,000 people 
in it, among which 1,200 Portuguese; that 300 were married 
to Portuguese and half-caste wives ; that there were moi’e than 
1,000 houses, some of which cost 3,000 or 4,000 crusados,^® 
seven or eight churches, and two hospitals on which they spent 
every year 30,000 crusados. Japan had only been discovered 
two years, and Liampoo monopolised the trade with that 
country, which was so profitable that money employed in it 
was doubled three or four times. He estimates the trade of 
the place at three millions of gold.^^ A regular administration 
was established, and he gives the titles of a lot of officials. 
The Portuguese were so independent that F. M. Pinto is 
astonished and remarks that the public scriveners in their acts 
used to write and I so and so, public notary in this city of 
Liampoo, in the name of the King our Lord,” just as if they 
were living between Santarein and Lisbon. If F. M. Pinto’s 
description is correct, Liampoo must have been the Shanghai 
of the 16th century. In fact, he says it was considered a 
more noble and wealthy place than any in India or all Asia, 
Now all this, according to him, was wiped out by the Chinese 
in five hours. Before discussing this subject let us see how 
he got his personal knowledge of the place. 

After the burning of Nonday, A. de Faria and his Chinese 
ally Quiay Panjao arrived at two islands which were then 

F, M, Pinto makes the crusado equal to two-thirds of the tael, 

^ He means of crusados, as appears from other places, — and would he 
equal to 2 million taels. 




called the Gates of Liampoo. They did not wish to go direct 
to the Portngnese settlement, because if their piratical attack 
on Nonday was generally known, their presence there might 
compromise the safety of their countrymen. He describes the 
islands as well-wooded, distant from each other two musket- 
shots, with a depth of water of twenty to twenty-five fathoms 
and good anchorages between them ; they were three leagues 
from the Portuguese settlement. This description corresponds 
very well to the islands forming Blackwall Channel, and we 
might take the settlement to have been at Ohinhai.^^ Later 
on F. M, Pinto says that the Chinese town (probably Ningpo) 
was seven leagues from the settlement. To make this agree 
with Ghinhai we should have to make the leagues shorter than 
what we have assumed them for the distance from Blackwall 
Channel, but probably the Portuguese knew the distance from 
Ningpo very imperfectly, A. de Faria sent at once the two 
merchants from Liampoo who had been robbed by Coja Acem, 
to report his arrival to their fellow-citizens, and declare that 
he would go and winter elsewhere if his presence should 
injure them. The merchants of Liampoo were touched at 
this considerateness, and being very grateful to A. de Faria for 
all he had done in clearing the sea of so many of their piratical 
enemies, they prepared for him a magnificent reception. 
As for his alarm about the Nonday affair, they told him not 
to trouble himself about such a small matter, as China was 
then in such a confusion that even the burning of a large place 
like Canton would attract little notice. F. M. Pinto then 
describes the intestine troubles of China on account of the 
death of the Emperor 

The reception of A. de Faria in Liampoo was most 
gorgeous, — crowds of boats with musical instruments came to 

A Portuguese resident has told me that one can still see the arms of 
Portugal on a gate of Ohinhai. 

This is another error ; Chia-ching did not die in 1641 hut in 1567* 



meet him, and the shipping in port (twenty-six ships, eighty 
junks and many more smaller vessels) was all decked out 
with green branches and festive arches. When he landed 
they made him a speech praising his heroic deeds and 
declaiming he was greater than Alexander, Hannibal and Julius 
Omsar. On his way to the Church they erected a wooden 
tower with lifelike figures to represent the heroic action by 
which Faria’s ancestors had won their armorial bearings. 
In church the whole sermon also ran on his exploits, and 
when the preacher was told that he exaggerated things a little 
he said : I speak true, because A. de Faria has saved me 
7,000 crusados which that dog of Ooja Acem had robbed from 
the vessel which we sent to India. 

The narration of all this splendial reception is prefaced by 
the remark that the author had witnessed the destruction of 
the whole settlement, and he adds the sad sentence on the 
uncertainty of things in China which I have chosen as the 
motto of this paper. It is strange that though he says he was 
an eye-witness of the disastrous end of this flourishing place, 
and he describes minutely so many other of his personal 
adventures, he gives us no particulars of what he was doing 
on that occasion. After five months residence in Liampoo 
he accompanies A. de Faria in another wild expedition to 
plunder seventeen tombs of the Kings of China in the island 
of Calepluy, which Siinilau, a Chinese pirate, had said were 
full of gold which could be easily carried off in their ships. 
They leave on the 14th May 1542, and after many disasters 
and shipwrecks, after F. M. Pinto has been in captivity near 
the Great Wall and has been over to Japan, he returns again 
to Liampoo and leaves it without saying anything about its 
destruction. It is only more than fifteen yeax's after that 
time, at the end of his book, while he is describing the 
flourishing state of Macao, that he reverts to the subject as a 
mor£i.l lesson to those who might feel too confident in their 



new settlement at Macao. Then he says again that he was an 
eye-witness to the total destruction of the place, and he says it 
happened in 1«542. Now this is impossible for many reasons. 
In the beginning of 1542 he was enjoying himself at Liampoo 
with bull-fights and hunting, and the rest of the year, at least, 
must have been taken up by his long voyage north as far as 
49^ latitude, by his captivity, and by his voyages to Japan. 
Besides, by the passages of Father Da Cruz it seems that the 
Portuguese were still at Liampoo as late as 1548, As the 
foundation of the whole story is doubtful, I think it needless 
to give the circumstantial account of the causes that led to 
the disaster ; for the same reason I say nothing about the 
destruction of the Portuguese at Chincheo. 

Though we cannot believe that F. M. Pinto was present at 
the burning of the Portuguese settlement at Liampoo, nor 
accept his version of it, yet it looks likely that there may be 
some kernel of truth in it. Da Cruz says that a fleet was 
sent in 1548 to drive away the Portuguese, and probably 
later on they achieved their purpose. It was quite siifiicient to 
stop trade to render the place an nndesirable residence to the 
merchants, and we may believe that thongh there was some 
bloodshed no snch carnage took place as Pinto wishes ns to 
believe. As we know that the Mandarins ageed to concentrate 
foreign trade in 1554 at Lampacao and in 1557 at Macao, it is 
probable that the Portuguese were driven away from Liampoo 
and Chincheo some time before these dates. Snch events 
would cause sensation among the traders and adventurers of 
the Far East, and F. M. Pinto felt probably that he must he 
present at snch an important event, and therefore assigns it to 
the year 1542, when he was so long at Liampoo. It would 
not do for him to miss such an adventure, and he worked up a 
dramatical description of the catastrophe. 

The adventures of F. M. Pinto, marvellous as some of them 
are, must be considered to have generally a small substratum 



of truth and to be based, if not on what he saw or did, on what 
he heard others had seen or done. Taken in such a light he 
gives us a picturesque view of the life of those times, and if 
we reflect we shall find that in most cases we can find a 
modern parallel to all he describes. Even the last mad 
enterprise of A. de Faria, which co^t him his life — his 
expedition to rifle the tombs of the Emperors of China — has 
sometliing to match it in our times, for not many years ago 
here in Shanghai, at the instigation of pious missionaries, 
with the assistance of princely hongs, Oppert fitted out his 
expedition to rob the tombs of the Kings of Corea. 

Applications for Member ship, stating the Name (in full), Nationality^ 
Profession and Address of Applicants, should he forwarded to “The 
Honorary Secretary, China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
Shanghai.” There is no qualification for Membership other than 
acceptance of an applicant's name by the Council. Remittances of 
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made) should be addressed to “The Honorary Treasurer, China Branch 
of the Royal Asiatic Society, Shanghai.” A Member may acquire 
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It has been decided by the Council that the Society's publications 
shall not for the future be issued to any Member whose subscription is 
one year in arrear. 

It is requested that Subscriptions be sent to the Treasurer at the 
beginning of each year. 

For information in connexion with the publishing department, 
Messrs. Kelly & Walsh, Limited, Shanghai, should be addressed. 


The Coinage of Corea. By C. T. Gardner 




The Family Law of the Chinese. By P. G. von M 5 llendorff 



Proceedings : — 

CounciFs Report for the year 1892-3 


Treasurer’s „ „ 



Librarian’s „ „ 



Meeting of 28th December 1892 ... 

• •• 



„ 27th February 1893 



„ 26th April 1893 

• • • 


,, 28th June 1894 

• •• 

• •• 


Councirs Report for the year 1893-4 



Treasurer’s „ 

• « • 

• •ft 



Curator’s „ ,, ••• 

• * • 



Librarian’s „ „ 

• • * 



Meeting of 29th November 1893 

• •• 



„ 24th January 1894 




Synopsis of " How to Awaken Faith in the Mahayana School.” 
By Rev. Timothy Richard 


List of Members 

• ** 




By 0. T. GARDNBE, 

Considar Service, 

There is no native work on Oorean numismatics, and the 
Chinese books on coins only contain a very meagre notice of 
ancient Oorean money, and do not give any account at all of 
modern Oorean money. 

The ^ [chapter 14, pp. 1, 2 and 3] says:— The 
Coreans only began to mint coins in the beginning of the 
12th century A.D. 

Between A.D. 1100 and A.D. 1290 circa seven different 
kinds of coins were issued; the following are drawings of 
them, copied from Chinese books. 

No. 1 No. 2 No. 3 

The inscriptions they bear are as follow : — 

« No. 1. — “ East of the sea universal currency.” 

No. 2. — East of the sea valuable currency.” 

No. 3. — East of the Sea universal currency ” [in the 
Chinese Seal Character]. 




At the end of the llih and beginning of the 12th century 
Corea had considerable intercourse with China, and the 
Oorean Court modelled itself on that of China. At this time 
the Sung dynasty was reigning in the Celestial Kingdom, and 
it was the liabit of that dynasty to issue three coins simul- 
taneously, one with ^‘universal,” one with ‘^S'aluable” (;urr(mcy 
inscribed on it in modern character, and some in ancient 
character, which was then going out of use. The three coins 
above depicted are said to have been issued when Hwei tsung 
[® Chinese throne, during the Period Tshuig 

ning id est A.D. 1102 to A.D. 1107. 

No. 4: 

The character ^ is the old designation of Corea. In the 
9th and 10th centuries of our era Corea was divided into 
three states : — 

(1). — Ko rai [Kao li or Corea in the north, which 

included in its territory the two provinces of modern 
Korea now called Pyeng an do (^p ^ and Ham 
kyeng do ^ and portions of the Manchurian 
provinces of ShSng king and Kirin, 



(2) . — Pe tsi [■§■ or Hia ksia in the west, which 
probably included in its territories the three provinces 
of modern Corea now known as King ki do ^ 
^), Hoang hai do ^ and Tsiong tsieng do 

?ra M)- 

(3) . — Shin ra or Sin la [^/f in the east and 
south, which probably included in its territories the three 
provinces of modern Corcia now known as Chuen lo do 

M Kang ouen do (JX ^ WO Kieng san do 

In the end of the 11th century Ouang, king of Korai, 
with the aid of the Sung dynasty of China, while the 
Liao and Kin dynasties were struggling for supremacy in 
Manchuria, conquered the two other states of Hia ksia and 
Shin ra, annexed their territory and founded the kingdom and 
dynasty of Kao li. 

It must therefore have been subsequent to this annexa- 
tion that the coin Universal currency of the three Chau’’ 
was minted. 

The State of Shin ra had always been closely connected 
with Japan. 

N. 5 No. 6 No. 7 



Coins Nos, 5, 6 and 7 seem to have been issued at the 
same time. They were probably minted sufficiently long 
after the unification of Corea as to render the king of the 
Kao li dynasty secure on hi>s throne. The assumption of the 
title ‘^Kwo” (kingdom) would seem to indicate that the coins 
were issued at the end of the Sung dynasty, at a time when 
the Chinese sovereigns were not in a position to effectively 
resent their previous p^oUges assuming the rank of a 
sovereign state. 

In the 13th century the Jlongols overran Asia and 
conquered Manchuria and China. The King of Corea [still of 
the Kao li dynasty] hastened to offer his submission to Kublai 
Khan, and retained his kingdom as a vassal of the Mongols. 
As a sign of the country’s subjection, Corea ceased issuing 
money, and for some time used bullion or Mongolian coins 
as its currency. 

In A.D, 1368 the Yuan or Mongol dynasty was driven 
from the throne of China by the Mings, and shortly afterwards 
[A.D. 1392] a Corean, named by the Chinese Li tah, aided by 
the Emperor Hukg Wa rebelled against the Kao li 

dynasty, drove it from the throne, and established himself as 
the king of Corea. He chose for the title of his dynasty the 
words Ch^ao hsien (^j] “ morning calm,” pi’onounced by 

the Goreans clw sen. This is now the official name both 
for Corea and for the reigning dynasty, which derives its title 
from Li a?AU. He also moved the capital from Song do 
to Soul. 

Coins Nos. 8 and 9 were issued by Li tau and his suc- 
cessors for about 200 years — A.D. 1392 to circa A.D. 1590 — 
when the Goreans were defeated by the Japanese. 



No. 8 No. 9 

, Iron 

The friendship between China and Corea lasted throughout 
the epoch of the Ming dynasty [A.D. 1390 to A.D. 1632], the 
smaller kingdom sharing the fate and fortunes of the larger. 
While China -was prosperous Corea flourished. She took large 
slices of territoiy from Japan, among which were the islands 
of Tchushima and Goto. During the reign of king Siong 
of Corea [A.D. 1506 to 1544] the Japanese endeavoured 
in vain to throw nff the Corean yoke. The Ooreans punished 
the revolt by a frightful massacre of tlie Japanese, — a massacre 
for which Japan enacted a fearful vengeance some 50 years 
afterwards. At the end of the IGth centuiy, when tlie Ming 
dynasty in China was falling and the imperial tliroiie was 
occupied by Wan li |§), Japan rose against the Coi’eans, 
reconquered Tchushima and Goto, and sent a naval expedition 
to the peninsula under the famous Taiko Sabia Hide Yoshi, 
who made a slaughter of the Coreans, and would, had he lived, 
have annexed Corea to Japan. In A.D, 1615 the family of the 
Taiko Sama fell from power, and the Japanese, with a want 
of persistency which frequently occurs in their history, made 
peace with Corea. The terms of the peace were exceedingly 



humiliating to the Ooreans, but the only material advantage 
Japan gained was the possession of the Japanese settlement 
at Fnsan, which she still, retains. By the terms of the peace 
the king of Oorea acknowledged the sovereignty of Japan, 
and paid tribute to Japan for nearly 100 years, that is, till 
A.D. 1790. Shortly after the peace with Japan, Oorea adopted 
a new name for the country named Chang p‘ing ^ 
(Lasting Peace). This title appears on the face of all Corean 
modern coins. 

No sooner had Oorea made peace with Japan than other 
troubles beset her. It was evident that there was to be a 
struggle between the Chinese and Manchus for supremacy. 
The king of Corea not unnaturally took the side of the Chinese. 
Corea was devastated in A.I). 1636 by a Manchu army, which 
took Soul and forced the king to erect a temple — the temple 
outside the South Gate of Soul — ^in honour of the victorious 
Manchu general.* Corea acknowledged the Manchu emperors 
as their suzerains and paid them tribute, as she was doing to 
Japan. But while the tribute to Japan ceased to be paid in 
A.D. 1790, that to China continues to be paid to the present 
day. Further, the kings of Corea and the heir-apparents 
are on each accession invested with the insignia of their 
authority by an envoy specially sent from China. One of the 
terms of peace imposed on Oorea by the victorious Manchus 
in A.D. 1632 was that Corea was to cease issuing coins. 

About the end of the 18th century, at the time when 
Oorea was throwing off her subjection to Japan, she again 
issued coins. I cannot find that her engagement with the 
Manchus to refrain from doing so was ever formally rescinded, 
but China has acquiesced in her issuing coins since about A.D. 
1790, Each province of Corea has since that date had its own 

* Some say tlxis temple was erected to celebrate a victory of the 
Goreans over the Japanese in A.D. 1592. But the armour now to be seen 
in the temple is said to be old Chinese and not old Corean armour. 


mints, and as it is difficult to fix ilie dates of coins, I have 
arranged those I possess according to the provinces. As the 
coins I possess were mostly obtained from the province of 
King ki do, in which the capital Soul is situated, I have a 
larger proportion of coins of that province than of others. 
It is also to be remarked that the province of King ki do has 
issued more coins than any other province ; not only have 
various towns in the province been allowed to coin money, but 
various generals and officials in Soul have also been given 
permission to do so. 



Coins issued by the Pybng an do Peovinob. 

No. 10 Ho. 11 No. 13 

Ol/vorss ItdVdTSQ Obvdi'nd 

No. 10 is probably the coin' issued about 1790. The dies 
only coin a few coins. As new dies are required they are 
numbered ; thus No. 10 has on it various numbers, — I have 
in my possession Nos. 1 to 11, excepting 8. In No. 11 we 
have a second issue, — I have in my possession Nos. 1 to 7. 
In No. 12 we have a later issue. 

No. 1.3 No. ’u No. 16 No. IG 

Beverse Beverse Beverse Beverse 

In Nos. 13j 14, 15 and 16 the characters 0 and ^ are 
used as numerals, according to the order in which they stand 
in the Thonsaiid Character Classic ^ ^). 



Thus 5^ stands for one 
„ 0 „ „ nine. 

» iSfe » » forty-two. 

There must accordingly have been at least 42 issues of Coins 
Nos. 13 to 16 ; the number of dies used in each issue vary, but 
they must have been at least seven in coin No. 13, twelve in 
No. 14, eight in No. 15 and thirteen in No. 16, 

Tlhese small coins are still being minted in the Pyeng 
an do Province. 

In about A.D. 1830 a large cash (Nos. 17 to 19) was 
issued, of the nominal value of two small cash ; it continued 
to be issued till about 1877. This large cash is made of good 
light-coloured Oorean copper. 

No. 17 

OhvGTS& Ilei::erse 




No. 17 calls for no comment. In No. 18 ^ stands for 
three and in No. 19 ^ for five, being the order of the 
characters in the Thousand Character Classic : there mnst 
accordingly have been at least five issues of the coins of which 
Nos. 18 and 19 are specimens. 

In the year A.D. 1877 a still larger cash was issued, of 
the nominal value of five small cash. These coins are made of 
bad brass. The people refuse to receive these coins at their 
face value, and though in the nomenclature they are called 
five cash, with them are mixed up a large quantity of small 
cash and a sprinkling of value two cash, and all are either 
coimted so many nips ( ^ ) — pieces — or, more generally, are 
all called five : thus, speaking of 1,000 cash, only 200 nip cash 
are meant, and speaking of Eiang (^), which should be 
of a Chinese Tael, or 100 good Corean coins, only 20 cash 
is meant. 


No. 20 


The character "f* is the No. of the die that minted 
the coin. There must accordingly have been at least ten dies 



Ham ktenq do Pbovutoe. 

No, 21 

Ohwrse Meverse 

Of No, 21 I have specimens from only two dies — Die 
No. 1 and Die No. 2. 

Of the two-cash pieces issued A.D, 1830 to 1877 I have 
the following : — 


No. 22 


No. 23 No. No. 25 

JReverse HcvcTse Meverse 



No. 26 


No.' 29 

No. 27 


No. 30 


No. 28 

No. 31 

^ is the 2iid, ^ is the 3rd, ^ is the 7th, is the 8th, 
H „ „ 9th, ^ „ „ 10th, ^ „ „ 11th, ^ij „ „ 15th, 
and ^ is the 16th character in the Thousand Character Classic. 
Of these coins there must consequently have been at least 
16 issues. 

Hoanq hai do Pkovinoe. 

Two- Cash Pieces, issued about A.D. 1830. 
No. 82 

Odverse Reverse 



No. 33 j^o.34: 

uovevfB HfvdTse Meversc 

Kakg ouen do Province. 

Coins ^ face value Jive small cash^ minted at the toxon of 
Chyon sun ^ JJ[. 


No. 36 


No. 86 

No. 35 was minted between A.D. 1877 and A.D. 1883. 
The metal is inferior brass. The No. is the No. of the die. 
There were at least eight dies nsed for this issue. 

No. 36 was minted from 1883 to 1893 by machinery bought 
in Japan. The metal is fine gun-metal. The figure ^ (12) 
is the No. of the die. Consequently there must have been at 
least twelve dies employed. 



King ki do PeovinoB. 

General Prmincial Mint. 

A.D. 1790 to 1830 circa. 

No, 37 No. 38 

•Ohv&rse Meverse Reverse 

No. 89 

No. 40 

No, 41 

Tioo^Cash Pieces, 
A.D. 1830 to 1877 circa, 

No. 42 

No. 43 

mn oomMn of corea. 


These coins, Nos. 37 to 43, are somewhat rare. The 
character Jpf is a short way of writing the second character 
of King hi do. Probably there was a series of issues with 
the character ^ on them, but I hare not seen any such 

The character 'ZZ. > sit the bottom of Nos. 37 and 38, is an 
index of the No. of the issue. The first issues were probably 
without a No. at the bottom. The second issue would have 
No. 1 at the bottom, and so on. The Nos. at the sides 
represent the No. of the die used in minting the coin of 
the issue. 

In Nos. 39, 40 and 41 ^ stands for one, being the first 
character in the Thousand Character Classic. The Nos. at the 
sides represent the number of the die used. 

Souh — Poor Board, 

Various officers of State in Soul have been permitted to 
mint money. The following are coins issued by the President 
of the Board for the Relief of the Poor. 

No. U 

No. 44 was issued between 1790 and 1830. The No. “f* 
is the No. of tbe die used. 

* Query: 



Tioo~ Cash pieces — A.D» 1830 circa. 

Ko. 45 

No. 46 

No. 47 


No. 48 

Nos. 45 to 48 — issued also by the above Board — are made 
of good Oorean light copper. 

Board of Worhs. 

A.D, 1830 circa. 

Noi 49 



Board of War. 

No. 50 

Board of Revenue. 

Of tlie Board of Eeveniie there are several Departments. 
The heads of the following Departments of the Revenue Board 
at Soul have at sundry times been authorized to mint money : 
the or Treasury De[)artmGnt, the or Land Tax Depart- 
ment, the or Revenue Department, and the ^ M or 
the Treasury Department for rice and clothing. 

Board of Revenue : Department, 

One-^Cash Pieces, 

Itwersa-s, A,D, 1 790 to 1830. 

No. 51 No. 62 No. 63 


coinage of OONBA. 

Subsoqueiit to tlie above there were issued coins using 
the characters of the Thousand Character Classic as numerals. 

No. 63 No. G4 No. 65 


No. 66 

No. 67 

No, 68 



The numerals on Nos. 51 to 79 are the Nos. of tlic dies 
used. I have coins of other dies, but I have (l('picted in each 
issue the highest-nunibered coin : — 

In No. 51 the Nos. run from... ... 1-16 

,, 52 )) 55 .«• ••• 1-11 

Nos. 53, 54, 55, & 57 run from 1-10 

No. 59 the Nos. run from 1- 5 

60 35 33 33 83 ••• 1 - 3 

33 61 33 33 53 35 ••• 1 “* 8 

In Nos. 63 to 79 the numerals invariably stop at 10. It 
would therefore appear that after using up ten dies, a variety 
of issue was minted. The coins depicted bear on them the 
first 20 characters (with the exception of the 8th, 10th, 11th, 
14th, 16th and 18th) of the Thousand Character Classic. At 
the right hand of No. 72 appears the character X* This is 
the year of the cycle and might he A.D. 1797, 1807 or 1817. 
(I imagine it was probably issued in 1807). 

Of the following twelve issues of coins in my possession, 
I have not yet grasped the significance of the inscription ; 
as in the coins Nos. 63-79, ten dies seem to haye been used 
for each issue. 



No. 80 

No, 81 

No. 82 

No. 88 

No. 84 

No. 85 

No, 86 

No. 87 

No. 88 

No. 89 

No. 90 

No. 91 



Two-Cash Pieces. 

Bererm, A.D. 1830 to 1877. 

No. 92 No. 93 No. 94 

COiUACffi o» cjolsM. 


No, 104 No. 105 No. 106 

No, 107 No. 108 No. 100 

No. 110 No. Ill No. 112 



No. 116 

The characters at the base of coins Nos. 93 to 116 are the 
first 28 characters (excepting the 1st, 16th, 23rd and 25th) of 
the Thousand Character Classic. 

Five-Cash Pieces. 

I^ovcrscfi. A.D. 1S77 to im. 

No, 117 

No. 118 

Of No. 117 I have coins minted from eiicli of the eleven 


Of No. 118 I have coins minted from each of the ten dies. 



One-Hundred Cash Piece — issued 1883. 

No. 119 


Tills coin is well minted and is made of good gun-metal. 
It was minted by the present king’s father (Tai Weh Kun). 

Board of Revenue : ^ Department. 

One’- Cash Pieces, 

Kevene, A,D, 1790 to 1830. 
No. 120 

I have coins issued by all the dies of this coin, except by 
the first. 




Five- Cash Pieces. 

Reverse. A.D. 1871 to 1804. 
No. 121 

I have coins issued by each of the ton dies for this coin. 

Board of lieveme : |pj Bepartmetrt. 

Txoo-Cash Pieces. 

Reverse. A.D. 1830 to 1877, 
No, 132 



Board of Revenue : M M Office of Rice and Clothing* 

One^Casli Pieces* 

Reverses, A.I). 1790 te 1S30, 

No. 123 No, 124 No. 125 



No. 132 No. 18S No. 134 

The characters at the base of these coins are the 2nd, 3rd, 
4th, 5th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 19th, 21st and 26th characters in 
the Thonsand Character Classic. 

The following are coins issued by Generals in command 
of the quarters into which Sdul has at various times been 
divided. These quarters have been named 1^, ® or 


General of the Division. 

In the old Division of Soul was situated the old palace — 
the present Summer Palace. This quarter was done away with 
in 1794 and re-established in A.D, 1814, it was again done 
away with in 1877. 



One^Cash Pieces^ 

Hexene, A,I), 1814^1830, 
Ko. 137 

I have coins from nearly all the dies numbered 1 to 20. 
Two-^CasJi Pieces, 

Bovcne, jI.jD, 1830 to 1877. 
No. 138 

No. 139 

General of ^ Pivision, 
One-’ Cash Pieces, 

never m. A.D. 1790 to 1830, 

No. 140 No. U1 


No. 142 No. 143 

Tioo^Casli Pieces. 

Rcwm. A,l). 1S30 to 1877. 

No. 144 No. 145 No. 146 



No, 163 No, 154 No. 166 

Fo. loO 

The characters at the base of Nos. 145 to 159 are the 
first 17 characters (except the 3rd and 10th) in the Thousand 
Character Classic. 

General of ^ Divkion. 

One-^Cash Pieces, 

Rewses. A.B, 1190 to 1S30, 

^ 0 . 100 No. 161 No. 162 



No, 163 No, 164 Ho. 165 

Tioo-Cash Pieces, 

Bovurm. A.D. 1830 to 1877. 

No. 166 No. 167 No. 168 



No. 175 No. 17G No. 177 

No. 178 No. 171) No. 180 

No. 181 

The Division ceased to exist in 1883. The characters 
at the base of coins Nos. 1C7 to 181 are the first 20 characters 
(except the 6th, 9th, 12th, 15th and 19th) of the Thousand 
Character Classic. 




General of the Divition. 

Tbis Division ceased to exist in 1883. 

One-Cash Pieces. 

Iteressfs. A.D. 1790 to 1830, 

No. 182 No. 183 No. 184 

No. 18.) 

No. 186 

No. 187 

No. 18.8 No. 18!) No. IftO 

No. 191 , No. I!I2 No. 193 



Ko. 19-t Xo. 195 Ko. 19<5 

Of No. 1S2 I have coins numbering 1, 2, *'5, 5 and G. As 
to coins Nos. l8o to 202 I have not ascertained the significance 
of the elninicter at the base. As I have coins issued by nearly 
all the dies, I infer that for the moonless coins the character at 
the base was changed after using up ten dies, and for the moou 
coins after using up five dies, 


T'UH>-Cash Pieeesi 



» No. 224 No, 225 ' No. 226 



Tlic ibllo^ving are possi1)lc dates for above coins. 

2oa ... 



... 1842 

227 ... 


204 ... 



... 1844 

228 ... 


205 ... 



... 1845 

229 ... 


20G ... 



... 1816 

230 ... 


207 ... 



... 1847 

231 ... 


208 ... 



... 1848 

232 ... 


209 ... 



... 1849 

234 ... 


210 ... 



... 1850 

235 ... 


211 ... 



... 1851 

236 ... 


212 ... 



... 1854 

238 ... 


213 ... 



... 1855 

214 ... 



... 1856 

The characters at the base of Nos. 217 to 235 are the 
first 20 characters (except the 16th) of the Thousand Character 
Classic. Tlie characters at the base of Nos. 236 to 238 are 
the first three characters of the same book. 



General of the Division. 
Two- Cash Pieces. 

lietcnc-i. A.n. 1830 to 1877. 

No. 239 No. 2^0 No. 211 



No. 248 

No. 349 

No. 260 

No. 231 No- 202 No. 263 



No. 260 No. 261 No. 262 

No. 239 has on it tlio 4th character of the Thousand 
Character Classic and Nos. 240 to 254 have the first 20 char- 
acters of the Thousand Character Classic except the 1st, 15th, 
16th, 17th and 19th. They also contain in addition the 4fch of 
Fuhi’s diagrams. 

Nos. 255-258 have on them the cyclical character 
and* Nos. 259 to 262 the cyclical character These arc 
probably dates: stands for 1832, 1842, 1852, 18(52, etc., 

^ stands for 1833, 1843, 1853, etc. 

Five-- Cash Fieces, 

llemsc. A,D, 1S77 to 1894. 
No. 263 

There hjivo been at least 18 dies used for minting this 
coin. I have specimens from almost all the dies. 



Sundry Coins of Soul. 

Two-Cash Pieces. 

liever/te, A ,D, 1S30 to IS77. 
No. 2M 

Five^Casli Pieces 

lie tone, A.B, 1811 to m4:. 
Ko. 265 



Beverse, AJ)^ 1883 to 1894^ 
No. 266 

No. 266 is made of good guiL-metal and minted by 
machinery bought in Japan. 

Othir Tow: s of Kino ki do PuiViNoi*:. 

Town Song do 

One-Ca^li Pieces, 

Bcnwa, mo to 1817. 

N . 267 N('. 26S No. 2-51) 



No. 273 No. 274 No. 276 

Ko. 277 was issued by tlie Treasury Office, Song do. The 
nimibers on these coins represent the dies used. 

Two^Cash Pieces^ 

A.D. 1830 to 1877, 

No. 278 No. 279 No. 2^0 



Town Hi rli^ijen jfl] j||. 

Ur a- rue. A ,D. 1790 to 1S3'J, 
No. 2! 1 

Two- Cash Pieces. 

jRcmrse. A.B. 1830 to 1877, 
No. 292 



Town Sill ijang }»|j\ 

Five-Cash Pieces. 

lictcvacs, AtD* 1877 to 1804. 

No. 293 No. 2U 

The figures lelow are the nunihers of the dies used. 
Of the Tsiong tsieug do province I have no coins. 



Chuen LO do or Sui LO DO Pbovincb. 

Two- Cash Pieces. 

llcTovacs^ A, I). 1830 to 1877 » 




No, 306 I No. 307 No. 308 

The characters at the base of Nos. 298 to 310 are characters 
from the Thou.sand Character Classic. 

Town T‘on<j yeny 
One-Cash Pieces. 

Mevenen. A.I). 1700 to 1830, 

No. 311 No. 312 No. 313 



No, 314 No. 315 

The numbers at the base represent the numbers of the 
dies used. 

Two- Cash Pieces. 

Itcverses. A.H. ISSO to 1S77. 

No. 316 No. 317 No, 318 

No, 319 No. 320 No. 321 



No* 322 

No. 323 

No, 324: 

No, 325 

No. 320 

No. 327 

No. 328 No. 329 No. 330 

The characters at the base of Nos. 323 to 333 are 
characters from the Thousand Character Classic. 



No. 334 

No. 335 

No, 333 

No. 887 

The characters at the base are from the Thousand Charaoter 
Classic. We now come to a new scries. 

The 3t ^ Klonumt series. Accordinpj to the Three 

Character Classic there arc five eIomcints—7|( wiit(‘r, i/Sf fire, 
tJC wood, ^ metal, ^ eartl). 

7jpC Series. 

No. 338 No, 839 No. 340 



No, 341 No. 342 No. 343 

^ S&fies, 

No. 344 No. 345 No, 346 

No. 847 

No. 343 

No. B40 



SHE ComAdB 01' OOREA. 

4 * Series. 

No. 3fi3 No. 301 No. 805 



For Provincial Use, 

Tioo-Cash Pieces, 

Reverses, AM 1830 to 1877, 

No. 371 No. 372 No. 373 

Modern Goins minted but not put in circulation. 

In A.D. 1883, silver coins of thi^ee denominations were, 
minted. On the face of these coins appeared a new title for- 
Corea, namely ^ or the Great Eastern Kingdom, and on 
the obverse the one character ^ (Treasury). 





No. 377 


No. 378 

No. 379 

In tlie centre of eacli coin is a circle of blue enamel ; there 
is no hole through the coin. It was found that the cost of 
putting on the blue enamel was so great that the minting 
of the coins would entail a loss instead of conferring a profit 
on the Treasury. 

In 1893 a series of silver and copper coins were struck 
by machinery partly bought in Germany and partly in, 



No. 883 

Two Cents 
( Co^;per') 

No. 384 

One Cash, (f cent). 

The iijsue of these coins was not proceeded with and it is 
difficulfc now to obtain them. 





In 1878 I read an essay on the Family Law of the 
Chinese before the North- China Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society at Shanghai, which appeared in the Society^’s Journal 
[N.S. voL XIII (1879) p. 99-121]. I had been largely 
indebted to Mr. E. H. Pabkek, H.B.M.’s Consul, for valuable 
notes relating to my subject, and in a lengthy review of my 
essay in the China Review [voL VIII (1879) p. 67-107] that 
gentleman again added a number of suggestions and observa- 
tions. These together with new investigations of my own 
have made it desirable to republish the old essay, with the 
necessary alterations and additions. 

Of the legal literature of China I have principally 
consulted the Statute Law and the Ordinances of the present 
dynasty :^C ^ M (Tct-cJiHng-lu-li), of which the laws 

relating to the present subject have been translated by 
Mr. G. Jamieson in the China Review [vol. X (1881) 
p. 77-99]. 



In the arrangement of the subject before me I have taken 
as a basis the Roman law, which, owing to its logical structure 
and general completeness, has become a typical system, and 
has formed the foundation of the jurisprudence of all Euro- 
pean nations. I have chiefly consulted the works of Puohta, 
Maokeldey, Dehnbubg \_Pnvatreclit^ 2nd ed., voL III, 1881] 
and others, for the Canon law Walter’s KircJianreeht. 

For the Jewish law the interesting work [in German] of 
S. May'eu on the Laics of the Jews, Athenians and Romans, 
furnished comparisons, ideas and suggestions. Since the first 
edition of my essay, the Realenci/clopddie filr Bihel iind 
Talmud [by Dr. Hamburger, 2 vols. and 3 Supplements 
(1870-1892)] has become a standard work, to which I am 
much indebted. 

Some sentences have been quoted from Maine’s Ancient 
Laic, 6th ed. 1876, and from J. F. McLennan’s Studies in 
Ancient History, 1876, specially chapter II, p. 13 ss. 1 have 
also made use of C, N. Staroke, The Primitive Family in its 
Origin and Development, London, 1889. 

The frequent comparisons with Jewish and Roman* Law 
have been made with the object of proving that the Chinese 
laws and customs are pervaded by the same spirit of common 
humanity as those of other ancient peoples. 

I have constantly consulted the valuable Chinese-EnglisJi 
Dictionary by H. A. Giles, Shanghai, 1892, and the excellent 
Nederlandsch'-chineesch Woordenloeh by G. Sohlegel, 4 vols. 
1886-90. The latter is a mine of information and far too 
little known. The trouble of having to use it with the 
help of an English-Dutch pocket-dictionary is too slight to 
stand in the way of its general use. 





A . — On Marriage. 

1, General Remarks. 

2. llt'.quircMneiits fur coaclinling marriages. 

0. Betrotlia.l. 

4. Blarriage. 

5. Relation of hii>b:in(l and wife to each other. 

(!. Dissolution of marriage. 

7. Bigamy. 

8. Polygamy and Poly and ly. 

9. Second nuptials aixl violation of tlie time of mourning. 

i>h — On F atria Potest as, 

1. Genei'al Remarks. 

2. On the rights of both parents with regal'd to their 


3. On the rights of th(j liiisband with regard to his wife. 

4. On the duties of the el\ildren towards their parents. 

Ancestral worship. 

5. Acquisition pat ria potestas, 

a. By marriage. 
h. By procreation. 

6*. By adoption. 

1. General Requirements. 

2. Special Requirements. 

3. Effects of arrogation and of adoption. 

6. Termination of patria potestas, 

C , — On Guardianship. 

Alphabetical Index* 




As in the ancient Jewish state, the family is the unit of 
the Chinese ; on its model the state is governed, and from the 
social eonditioiis of the families the family law received its 
foundations. In this sense the state is called the family of 
the nation ^ hno chia) and prefects and magistrates are 
popularly styled ^ CA kuan), parent officials. 

The Chinese fiimily life, with its sexual purity coupled 
with filial piety, has greatly contributed towards the main- 
tenance 'of the Chinese nation. Everything revolves round 
the family as the centre, and the family circle with its natural 
conservatism has had a beneficial influence towards the 
outside world. The Chinese family life compares favourably 
with the somewhat too loose bonds of the occidental, — in fact, 
in family life China presents herself at her best. 

In the Chinese mind law^ mm In U) and general custom 
(IS mixed up and cannot be kept separated. 

A Chinese judge will always modify the rigour of the law 
if local usage differs from it ; and a Chinese will invariably 
he in favour of ch^’liu/ U (the application of special 

circumstances) in each case. In this sense the term ^‘family 
law” is to be understood not merely as a statement of the 
Chinese family laws (If^yes) but including also general usages, 
which will have to enter largely into a future codification of 
the Chinese law, especially private law. 

Tradition tells ns very little of the family life of the 
Chinese in antiquity. Its foundations can be clearly recog- 
nised in the classical writings ; in the Sliiking^ or Book of 
Odes, we even find traces of marriage by capture. 

^ Generally speaking the lii have been superceded by the Uy but in the 
marriage laws the U are still mostly in force. 

I'Hli] imiltY LAW OF THE CSiNFSE. 135 

The Chinese family chia) embraces, like the Attic 
otxog and the Jewish mishpachah, all members of the same 
household which stand under one head or pater familias 
(M^ chia chang^ ^ ^ chia chu^ ^ ^ chia chiln\ without 
distinction, whether they have entered the family through 
marriage or adoption, and including servants and slaves.^ 
It is obligatory that all members of the family bear the same 
family name hsing) as in India, Greece, and Eome.® 
Even with adoption a kind of quasi relationship is formed. 

In the oldest time of Chinese history the number of 
families may have been the same as the number of clans ; the 
ancient term po hsing (the Hundred Family names, the 
people) occurs in the Shaking [I, 2 and frequently].^ The 
idea that there exists a kind of relationship between families 
bearing the same name has lived up to the present time [^see 
heloio — “Impediments to Marriage’’]. 

Within the family the Chinese distinguish four grades 
of relationship, which follow according to the proximity of 
descent, without distinguishing therebv between consanguinity 
nei chHn) and affinity (3^[> loai yin). Genealogical 
tables are given in the ^ {ta chHng lii U), vol. I, 

foL 1-6. Compare W. H. BIedhurst, Journ. CL B,R,A,S,^ 
1863, “Marriage, Affinity, and Inheritance in China” [see 
also Dr. Leggb’s Liki^ vol. I, p. 202-209]. 0. N. Staecke 

\^2he Primitive Family^ p. 201-3, 206, 298] discusses the 
different terms of Chinese relationship, but his authorities 

- The Prussian Landrevht [I, 1, § 3] also includes the servants in the 

® McLennan, Ic ,^ p. 217. 

^ See VON DEE Gabblentz, Chiime Grammar, p. 360. — S. Wells 
Williams [in his Syllahic Bktiomri}., p. 1242] dates back the beginning of 
family names to over 3,000 yeai\s, without, however, quoting any authority 
in support of this statement. See. alao H. A, Giles, “The Family Names,’* 
Journal Oh, B,li,A.S., vol, XXI (1887) p. 256. G. JAMIESON, “ Note on the 
Origin of the Family Names,” Ch Bsv,, vol X. (1881), p. 89-93. 




were not free from error. Tire Relationsliips are presented by 
G. SoHLEGEL in bis Woordenhoek [voL I, p. 1343] in a 
tabular form, in whicb, however, tlie relationships by adoption 
are omitted, the others are given in the Tsiang-tsiu (Amoy) 
dialect of the lower classes. A. J. May has compiled a list of 
all relationships in the China Redew [voL XXI (1894), p. 
15-39], which also is not quite complete and expressed in 
Cantonese. G. Jamieson [^China liedew^ voL X (1881), p. 
199-200] gives also a table of the ^ kindred on the male 
side only. 

The above-mentioned four grades of relationship, with the 
legal time for mourning, given hereafter, are taken from the 
useful little letter-writer ^ ^ ^ij (huan hsiang yao tse, 

Important Rules for the Officials and the People), by Lu 
JuN-HSlANG ((^ j^), Shanghai, 1892, 2 vols. 16‘’. 

1st grade. — Term of mourning three years (usually re- 
duced to 27 months). Called ^ § chan ts^ui (mourning 
garments with frayed edges). For man and wife: the hus- 
band’s parents. For wife and concubme : the husband. 

Term of mourning one year. Galled ^ chi nien. 
For man : sons, wife of eldest son, grandsons (descended from 
wife), uncle and his wife, daughters if unmarried, brothers, 
sister if unmarried, nephew (brother’s son), niece (brother’s 
daughter) if unmarried. For %mfe: her parents and grand- 
parents. For concvhine: wife of husband, husband’s parents, 
sons (her own and those of the wife and of other concubines). 
This term of one year is also kept by a man of double sacra ^ 

^ ^ 2 shuang tHao) on the death of his own 


Term of mourning five months. Called ^ g tzU tshii 
(mourning garments with unhemmed, but even cut edges), 
with the addition ^ cha^ig ch% i,e. in the lifetime of the 
parents. For man : the great-grandparents, the great-great- 



grandparents, the grandparents, the wife. If the parents are 
already dead, the term of mourning is only three months 
pu cliang cliH), For wife: lier great-grandparents 
and great-great-grandparents, 

grade , — Term of monrning nine months. Called 
Sf} ta hung (the greater merit). For man : the wives of 
sons (others than the eldest), grandsons (others than from 
first wife), married daughters, male and (unmarried) female 
cousins (children of paternal uncle), married sisters, wife of 
nephew (son of brother), married nieces (brother’s daughters). 
For wife : husband’s grandparents, husband’s uncle, husband’s 
daughter-in-law (wife of a younger son or of a concubine’s 
son), husband’s nephew’s wife, husband’s married niece, 

^rd qrade , — Term of mourning five months. Called 
lisiao hung (the lesser merit). For man : grandson’s wife, 
granduncle (brother of grandfather) and his wife, unmarried 
grandaunt, granduncle (son of great-granduncle) and his 
wife, brother’s wife, male cousins (of the same surname), 
married female cousins (daughters of elder paternal uncle), 
unmarried female cousins (of the same surname), nephew and 
unmarried niece (grandchildren of paternal granduncle), 
son and unmarried daughter of nephew (brother’s son), 
mother’s parents, mother’s brother, mother’s sister. For wife : 
husband’s aunt, husband’s brother and the latter’s wife, 
husband’s sister, husband’s second cousin, unmarried female 
second cousin of husband, husband’s grand nephew and 
unmarried grand-niece. 

4zth grade , — Term of mourning three months. Called 
j|5c ssrr ma (coarse hemp garments). For man : wives of 
grandsons, grandsons of more distant relations, the married 
female relations which come under the 3rd grade if unmarried, 
the wives of relations of the 3rd grade, etc. etc. 



For a complete list of all relationships and to illustrate 
the five kinds of mourning (52 wu fu) seven tables would 
be required : — 

1. — A man mourning for his kinsfolk. 

2. — A „ „ „ 5 , mother’s kinsfolk. 

3. — A „ „ „ „ wife’s „ 

4. — A wife „ „ her husband’s „ 

5. — A married woman mourning for her own kinsfolk. 

6. — A concubine mourning for her husband’s „ 

7. “Mouraing for step-fathei’s and fathers by adoption 

and for step- and foster-mothers. 

Tables 1 to 6 are printed in English in Legge’s Lihi 
[vol. I, p. 209]. 

Slaves nit ts^ai) are also counted as belonging to 

the family ; under the name of ^ ^ ^ cliia shm tza are 
designated those which have been bought i ^ ^ ^ chia 
sMng tzU or ^ ^ ^ Glda cMan tztl are those born in the 
family, children of slaves, vemae^ oixsTctt^ and the J ewish gelid 
hayitli (Jerem., 2, 14). Slaves are generally well treated, and 
their position in the family is more like that of the Jewish ebed, 
not like that of the slaves amongst the Greek and Romans.® 
The Chinese master may punish his slave, but not 
excessively. In ancient times criminals were made slaves as 
a punishment ^ huan mt, slaves of the state). ^ 

The Manchu family names are not publicly known. The 
Manchns, whose Emperors reign over China since 1644, do 
not use their family names hsing, Manchu : halo) since 
the reign of the Emperor Kanghi (1662-1723), but only their 
personal names (^ ming^ Manchu : gehtt). The surnames are, 
however, known within the clans, and the law concerning 
them is, with some modifications to be indicated later on, the 
same for the Manchus as for the Chinese. 

E. J*. Eitel, “ Slavery ia China,” CK Reo., vol. X (1 881), p. 283-284. 
^ TAU^ XXXVI, 48, Leogb, vol. 11, p. 363, 




1. — General. 

The ancient Roman conception of marriage was “ uxorem 
habere liberorum qinerendornm cansa,” and the same one-sided 
view was accepted by the so-called “enlightened epoch ’^of 
last century, seeing in marriage nothing but the aim for the 
procreation and bringing-np of children. 

Fundamental institutions like mandage cannot be defined, 
but can only be approximately described. Better than the 
old conception is the definition given in 1. 1 D, de ritu 
nuptiamm, 23, 2 : “ nupti^e sunt conjunctio niaris et femiiue, 
consortium omnis vit(e, divini et humani juris communicatio.” 
The sentiment is here decisive, and as the means at the 
disposal of law have little influence of the sentiment, the 
influence of law over marriage can only be a limited one. 

The highest moral standpoint was reached by the Jews, 
who took marriage as “covenant’’ [Mab, II, 14] to which 
God is a witness. 

How and when marriage became a recognised institution 
with man is perhaps an idle question. Some take it that the 
communion of women in prehistoric times had to be conquered 
by the exogamous marriage by capture, and that the later endo- 
gamous marriage by capture formed a transition stage towards 
marriage by contract.’’ Others again deny that primitive man 
ever lived in promiscuous intercourse. 0. N. Starcke® quotes 
Darwin [Descent, II, p. 362] and Maine [Early Law, p. 206, 
216]: — “It is improbable that sexual intercourse was ever 

H. Paul, Gruiidrks der Germanuclien PlillologU,Yo\ U, 2, p. 142, 

® Frmit'm Family^ p. 242, 



perfectly free, since the passion of jealousy is so strong in the 
whole animal kingdom that it cannot be supposed to have been 
dormant in primitive communities of men.” 

Of the primitive condition of the Chinese, when the 
founders of the Chinese empire entered in the north-western 
part of China, we know next to nothing. Previously to the 
Chou dynasty (1122-255 B.C.), according to the commen- 
tators of the Shiking, a general laxity of morals prevailed, and 
it was not until the Chous laid down proper rites regulating 
marriage that promiscuous intercoui'se ^ jjin pen^ 
lewdness) ceased. But this judgment of the modern commen- 
tators is altogether unjust, and has no other foundation but 
the wish to excessively glorify the Chous. According to our 
idea the home life as depicted in the Shihing is a moral and 
happy one ; it may be contrary to the present Chinese ideas 
of a life surrounded by all sorts of rites and usages, but it is 
altogether decent and morally irreproachable. 

By the united action of heaven and earth all things 
spring up,” says the Liki [Legge, vol. I, p. 439], ‘Hhus the 
ceremony of marriage is the beginning of a [line that shall 
last for a] myriad ages.” The importance of marriage is 
thus emphasked [A/fe*, vol. II, p., 264]: — ^‘Marriage is the 
union of the representatives of two different surnames in 
friendship and love, iu order to continue the posterity of the 
former sages, and to furnish those who shall preside at the 
sacrifices to Heaven and Earth,” and [p. 266]: — ^‘Yes, the 
ceremony of marriage lies at the foundation of Government.” 

Marriage is thus regarded by the Chinese as necessary 
and indispensable,^ and the best proof of this is furnished by 
the fact that, excluding priests and nuns who are not allowed 

^ Two proverbs express ifc : 

t(i li yu srm olvim, hun yin. tsni clmng (Of the 8,000 rites marriage is the 

most important), and ^ rT -* S ^ nl E - Thing k'o G¥^ng 
ipatig,gm kh) pchi i Ku {Better establish a home than cut off one). 



to many, it is scarcely possible to find an old bachelor, and 
an old maid is a rarity. 

Chinese law further recognises the importance of 
marriage by giving a long list of marriage laws.^^ We must 
add, however, that marriage is not absolutely compulsory, 
nor is celibacy punished, as was the case under the Jewish 
law and the Attic code of SolonJ^ 

The Chinese distinguish between two kinds of marriage 
which, not incorrectly, ma}^ be termed connuhium and concu- 
hinatus. In the first case they are obliged to be content with 
one wife^^ who, like the Jewish and Homan, unlike 

the Greek, wife, shares the rank and honour of the husband. 
This wife is almost invariably chosen by the pater familias^^ 
from a family of eq^ual position and circumstances ; but the 
latter is not a conditio sine qua non and the requirement of 
equality of rank which led in Europe during the Middle Ages 
to the absurdity of marriages on the left hand (matrimonhim 
ad mor<ja7'taticamy^ has been almost unknown in China. The 
wife is generally a woman with small feet. 

Concubinage is, however, at the same time permitted, 
and marriage with several concubines cIiHeh) is allowed. 
The number of these, besides the one wife, is not limited by 
law, but only one wife is permitted. 

The better classes do not give their daughters to a man 
already married ; Manchu girls are not allowed to become 

G. Jamiesok, “ Translations from tlie ZU-li, or General Code of Laws,” 
China vol. VIII, a'oI. IX, vol. X, p. 77-09 (the Marriage Laws). 

Among the Israelites each man was obliged to marry, and could be 
forced by the authorities to fullil his duty until he had a son or a daughter ; 
cotnpare Pollux^ III, 48 ; VIII, 40 (Mayer, ?./?,, toI. II, p. 286). 

Like the Eomans, § 7 Z. de 1, 10, — I. 2 C, de ‘Incentis et in^ 

ntilihm nuptllSy 5, 5. —1. 1 D. de. his qui not. 'inf, 8, 2. — There is an excep- 
tion when a man is a films famillas for two families [see below under 
Adoptions ” J. 

As in Biblical autiquity, Gen. 24, 21 ; Bxod, 21, 9. 

In Germany finally abolished by Reichsgeseta of 6th Feb, 1875. 



Whilst the marriage with the wife cliH) is concluded 
by the parents of the two parties, the man is allowed to 
choose the concubines himself. These may be of low rank, 
even slaves, and have, without regard to priority of marriage, 
equal rank among themselves, but are subjected to the au- 
thority of the wife. 

The husband has not the right of degrading his wife, 
without sufficient reason^® to the rank of a concubine, nor 
of raising a concubine to the rank of a wife whilst the wife 
is alive. 

The wife is considered the mother of all the children 
born in the family^*^ and is honoured by the latter as their 

The reason for the greater number of marriages with 
concubines is barrenness of the wife.^^ 

2. — Requirements for concluding Marriages. 

A. — Absolute Impediments to Marriage, 

The attainment of puberty required by the Eoman^® and 
Canon^^ law, of a certain age, as prescribed by modern legis- 
lation, as a pre-requisite for concluding marriage, is not 
known to Chinese law. It is, however, an established custom, 
that men marry when over twenty years of age, and that girls 
are rarely given in marriage before their fifteenth year. But 
as there are many exceptions in the laws in favour of persons 

See below, “ Impediments to Marriage.” 

The same in Jewish law [see Maykr, yoI. II, p. 339] and in 
Mohammedan law [see G*. Rosen, in Ztsohrift B. M. G,^ vol. XXII, p, 643J. 

This is probably the case with all polygamic peoples. — The ancient 
Jewish custom was [Maykr, vol. II, p, 339] — as it was considered a 
disgrace to have no children — the wife in such case induced her husband to 
take a maid-servant as concubine, the children born by the latter were 
considered hers and she was no longer childless. 

18 Br, J, do nuptiis, 1, 10.— 1. 14, B, 23, 1.— 1. 4 B, 23, 2. 

1® Tit,^ X, 4, 2 Lih, sosot, Beorot,^ 4, 2. 



under fifteen years of age, we may consider the latter as the 
age reqnii'ed for marrying. Very early marriages are not as 
common in China as is generally believed : the common 
practice is to provide early in life a suitable wife for the son 
and a husband for the daughter, and to marry them when 
their character is forined.^^ In China puberty commences 
at the same age as in Europe. The old idea that puberty 
arrives earlier in hot than in temperate climates is exploded 
by modern investigations. 

Suitability of age is generally recommended, as also that 
a young girl should not be married to an old man.^^ But 
an early marriage in China is understood in the sense of 
an early settlement in life.^^ 

Non-attainment of puberty, disease, or other defects 
(as insanity, deafness and dumbness, etc.) are considered 
impediments, if no notice of them has been given in the 
marriage contract. 

The defect of eunuchs naturally debars them from 
marrying. The right of having eunuchs t^ai--cliien^ 

^ ^ lao-^.hing) is an Imperial prerogative, and is also 
granted to the highest members of the Imperial family. It 
is also a prerogative of the king of Corea, who ranked with, 
but before, Imperial princes of the 1st order ^ 
wamj). As eunuchs have to serve and to live in the palace 

W reason alone impossible for 

them to maiuy.-^ 

There are, however, eunuchs at Peking who had children 
before their mutilation and who may obtain permission to 
visit their families from time to time. Cases may occur 

Op. Sirach, 7, 27 ; 42, 0-10. 

The same in the Talmud. 

-- Compare the German proverb ‘‘jung gefreit, hat keinen gereut,” 

ISoo ShihltKj^ X, 11, 1 and 11, 5, 0 [Leoge, vol, in, p. 157 and 230], 



wJiere a eunuch, who by intrigacs iu the palace has risen 
to a position of honour, takes a wife pro forma and adopts 
a son for the succcssion.^^ 

B . — llelatioe Impediments, 

1. — On Account of Kelationship. 

Marriage between relations of all grades of agnatic 
relationship is prohibited ; “ cognates cannot marry any one 
of the generation above or below, but may marry any one 
of the same generation, not being agnate.’^ For the 
relationship by adoption the prohibition does not remain in 
force after the first adoption has been dissolved by a new 

It may be here observed that there exists in (iJhina no 
relationship between the husband and his wife’s sister^ as 
is the case according to the Canonical, and after it the 
English law.^' In fact, since the Emperor Shun married the 
two daughters of Yao [2357-2255 such marriages 

are of frequent occurrence in China, i)robably because a 
wife finding that a concubine will be taken prefers to share 
the affection of her husband with her sister rather than with a 

See G. a Stent, Chinese Eunuchs/’ J. of of vol, XI 

(1877), p, US. 

G. Jamieson, Ic.^ vol. X, p. 82. 

“““ This was contrary to Roman law. 

Based, as far as 1 can see, on Lev., 18, 18 : “neither shalt thou take 
a wife to her sister to vex her, beside the other in her lifetime ; ” which 
can only apply to marrying two sisters at the same time, and not to 
marrying the sister after the wife’s death. 

28 MengtzUf V, 1, 4 [Lboo-e, 11, p, 220], From the LIH [vol. I, p. 132] 
it would appear that Shun had three wives, 



Altogefclior, there is no relationship between the relatives 
of the husband and those of the wife (called yin-chHjn), 

Relationship is alwa3^s implied by the fact of beaidng 
the same family name : — lU ^ M i!i0 Rising pu 

wei lain yhi (those of the same family name do not inter- 
marry).^^ Considering that for a population of 400 millions 
only about 438^^ family names exist, this impediment 
appears severe in the highest degree. In the course of 
ages**^^ it happened that whole communities were composed 
of people with the same surname, so that men desirous of 
marriage had to look elsewhere for wives, and often to under- 
take for this purpose expensive voyages. Where a surname 
has two distinct origins, persons of the same surname may 
intermariy, provided that their line of ancestry can be traced 
from the separate stock, ^ IH ^ thing hsing pu thing 

tsung (of the same surname but of different ancestry), e,g. 
persons of the name of ^ ch'^e. On the other hand, families 
of the same ancestry have branched off under a different 
name and do not intormarry, as ^ and both pronounced 
hsil^ who were one family until the reign of YiTNG-CHfiiNa 
[1723-36].’^^ It is the same with ^ eh^inmd ^yeli, and 
with yang and ^ yi. An expedient to mitigate this 

Endogamic marriage is exclude d. In the Institwtes of Manu it is laid 
down that a “twice-born” man one belonging to the sacerdotal, 

military, or commercial class [Manu, X, 4]) might elect for nuptials “a 
woman not descended from his paternal or maternal ancestors within the 
sixth degree and who is not known by her family name to be of the same 
primitive stock with his father” [see McLennan, p. 84]. — The American 
Indians profess to consider it highly criminal for a man to marry a woman 
whose tofeW' (family name) is the same as his own, and they relate 
instances where young men, for a violation of this rule, have been put to 
death by their own relatives [see McLennan, p. 97 j C. N. Stahcke, 
p. 32 j, — The Australians are also divided iirto branches Qitnmioo), within 
which marriage is forbidden. 

^ 408 simple and 30 double ones H. A. Giles, “ The Family 
Names,” J. ofAW.JL (f If vol. XXI (1887), p. 2G3J. 

The prohibition occurs in books as early as the Tke ciman 
and the leim yil (f^ ^)* 

32 H. A. Giles, Ic,, p. 25G. 

33 H. A, Giles, lo,, p. 265, 283, 



law has also been found. During the reign of Yung-lo 
[1403 *-25] those families who took part in the grain 
transport were called military families ^ cJiiin chia)^ the 
others being called femilies of the people ^ min chia). 
Since that time the distinction between ^ cJiiln and ^ min 
has been maintained, and marriages between a and a 
min family bearing the same surname are permitted, — «almost 
the only exception to the above-mentioned prohibition. 

Amongst the Manchus, Mr. Parkeb says, cousins 
descended through male ancestors and having the same 
surname may intermarry after the fifth generation ; but I 
have not been able to verify this statement. 

It will thus be seen that in China, as throughout America 
and Australia, the clan is exogamous, that is, marriage within 
the clan is forbidden.^'^ 

2.— On Account of Affinity. 

Marriage is not allowed with sisters of the wives of 
ascendants or descendants, with the father’s or the mother’s 
sister-in-law, or with the sister of the son-in-law. 

Further, marriage is forbidden with the step-daughter 
and with female relations within the fourth degree of relation- 
ship,^^ with a widow of a relative of the fourth degree, or 
with the sister of the widowed daughter-in-law. Marriages 
with widows of relatives of a nearer degree are considered 

Decapitation is the punishment of marriage with the 
father’s or grandfather’s former wives,^^ or witli sisters of the 

C. N. Starcke, l , e ,^ p. 44. 

^ As in Canonical law, cap. 8, X, 4, 14 ; Walter, KirclienTeclit^ § 310. 

peuben lost his right of primogeniture for such incest [Gen., 36, 22], 



. Whoever marries his brother’s widow is stranglecl.^^ The 
re-mandage of the childless widow to her deceased husband’s 
brother, the so-called levirate,^^ was of common occurrence 
with many nations in ancient times and is still in vogue in 
the Cancasus.^*^ Among the Jews this custom existed before 
Moses, ^ but was confined to the case of the widow being 
childless [Deni, 25, 7]. 

In China, as already mentioned, the levirate is prohibited, 
but some assert that the Mohammedans in Peking practise it, 
and that it also occurs in the district of Huai-an in the 
province of Kiangsu. A writer in the China Ilemew [voL X 
(1881), p. 71] asserts its practice for the provinces of Kiaugsi, 
Hupeh and Szechuan. I have not been able to find the 
slightest trace of it, and it can never be of the same importance 
with the Chinese as with other people (e.g. to keep the family 
property), as posthumous adoption, the Chinese substitute for 
it, fully meets the object. 

3. — On Account of other Reasons. 

To many during the legal time of mourning is prohibited 
\_^ee above, p. 7]. 

Marriage with concubines is, however, not punished in 
this case, unless either the bride or the bridegroom is in 

Decapitation, i.e. mutilation of the body, is a heavier punishment 
than strangulation. 

Or the dispensation from it through the cei-emony of taking off the 
shoe (chalica) of the Jews j^Deut., 25, 7 ; Ruth, 4, 7]. 

In India [ Bohlkn, vol. IJ, p. 1S2 ], Tersia [ Kleuker, 

ZvndateHta^ vol. Ill, p. 226], the Gallas [Bruce, i?.., 11, p. 223], and many 
other peoples 0. N. Starcke, Ic,, p. 165]. It existed amongst the 
Huns and in ancient Corea [see E. H. Parker in Transact, of As. Soc, of 
Ja^an, vol. XVlll, part 11 (1890), p. 169]. 

Bobenstedt, Die Yolkev des Kaulmsiis., p. 82. 

G. Jamieson [OJihm Remew., X, p. 83] says : In view of the severe 
penalty for it, it is scarcely possible that the levirate can be practised in 
mj part of China, 



monrniug for a parent, or the bride for her late husband/^ 
even if the marriage had never been consummated. It is 
considered to be a time of mourning for children or grand- 
children if father or mother or grandparent is confined in 
pidson for a capital offence. In accordance -with the principle 
of Chinese marriage — that the patn familim makes tlie 
marriage contract, — marriage is in this case permitted if the 
head of the family in prison gives his assent. The usual 
ceremonies and festivities are, however, to be omitted. 

Maridage is forbidden with a wmman who has committed 
a crime and has fled for fear of punishment. In this pro- 
hibition is included marriage between an adulteress and her 

Whoever forces the wife or daughter of a free man to 
marry either with himself or with a son, grandson, younger 
brother, or nephew, with a filiuB familiasy is to be 

According to Roman law marriage could not be concluded 
betw^een persons who stood to each other in the relation of 
guardianship, as tutor and pupilla^'^ In China these are near 
relations, as only relatives or adoptive parents are able to 
exercise the right of guardianship and to acquire through it 
the paifWc: A runaway female slave is not allowed 

to marry, as she can be lawfully given into anarriage by no 
one except her master. 

Popular opinion is against a widow hua-fu') 

marrying again. The Lila [ Legge, vol. I, p. 439 J says : — 
“Once mated with her husband, all her life she will not 

'*2 The same as in Roman law, according to which widows and their new 
husbands were punished if remarried before the end of the time of 
mourning [1. 1, 11-13, D. de hk pii not. inf., 3, 2, — Const. 2, 0. 5, 9], 

Also prohibited by Roman law [1. 26, D. de ritn mptiarwni, 28, 2. — 
h 13, I>. de Ms qucB not. inf., M, 9. — 1. 29, § 1, D. ad legem Jul. de advlt, 
48,5. — .c. 12]; also by Attic law [1, 11, § 11, J?. ad leg. 
Jul. de adnl .. ■ ' . v! ! : . the Jews [Mayer, l.c., vol 11, p. 320]. 

I 66, B. de fitu nupt., 23, 2.— C, 6, 6, 



cliange, and hence, when the husband dies, she will not 
many again. ” If after the death of her husband she remains 
under the power of her husband’s father or bi’other, whose 
power over her is, however, of the slightest, she will bo 
prevented by them from tying a new matrimonial knot. 
There are even cases in which a widow instead of remaining 
in the family of her former husband successfully repudiates 
any connexion with it and disregards its wishes. The proverb 
expresses the popular mind in this respect : if heaven wants 
to rain or your mother to marry again, nothing can prevent 
them t(!lj t^ien yao hsia niang yao 

cilia wu fa ¥o chili). It is, however, not considered decent 
for a widow to marry again, and one who refuses all offers in 
this respect (or who does not want to add another fiddle- 
string U II mei lisin lisii hsien) may receive for her 
taithfulness an imperial reward in the form of a gateway' 
(H? @ 01' p^ai-lou)^ which is erected in tlie 

place where she lives. After the bestowal of such reward 
she is not allowed to change her mind.^® Should the 
head of the family try to force her into a new marriage, 
she is not obliged to obey. If she commits suicide — the 
common expedient of the unprotected female in China — 
the head of the family is ])unished. If, howevei*, the marriage 
be concluded, she shall live with her new husband, the 
marriage presents, or rather the piu’chase-money paid for her, 
being forfeited. 

It is a rule that, in order to secure greater impartiality, 
officials cannot hold office in their native province. For 
the same reason they are not allowed to marry a woman 

It was considered decent, according to the national feeling of the 
Homans, that a widow should remain single, uyiivim meant the same as 
oastmma. Such a one was highly esteemed and received the wreath of 
chastity [ Yal. Max., 11, c. 1 ; Projh, IV, eieg. 12 ; PuMita, Inst. Ill, p. 177],— 
The Jews, on the contrary, were much in favour of a second marriage of 
young widows [Maybb, l.c,, vol, 1, p. 322]. 



under their jurisdiction, or out of a family that has an 
interest in the performance of their official duty. An official 
who is related to one of the parties is not even allowed to 
sit as judge.'^'^ 

On account of inequality of rank, marriages between 
officials and actresses or singing girls are not allowed. 
Such marriages are also forbidden to the sons or grandsons 
of nobles with hereditary rank {dispavagium^ mesalliance)^ 
the punishment in such cases being degradation to a lower 
class of nobility and eventually loss of it/^'^ 

A widow of a man of rank may not remarry. 

Buddhist priests (^p Iw-shang) and nuns (/g ni- 
kii)^ and those Taoist priests tao-jen) and nuns JS 

taO’-ku) who do not shave their heads, but bind the hair 
in a net or head-band flJ ivang-chin^^), are not allowed 

A similar thought prohibited iii Home marriage between a 
]}nwmGicd and a woman of Ms province [I, 57, B, de riUb nuft.^ 23, 2, — 
Cod. Thood., 3, ll.—Cod. Just, 5, tit. 2, 7]. 

There are in China 9 classes of hereditary nobility : 5 © (cAhO and 
4 The 5 cUio are : ^ Imng duke, liou marquis, Fiirst 

(often called marquis), f]^ count or earl, ^ tzU baron, ^ nan 
baronet. When the nobility conferred is not “ hereditary in perpetuity ” 
mmnw slhili Jm loang tH), each descendant takes one rank lower 
than his father ; so that the son of a hung becomes kou, the son of a hoU' 
becomes 2^0} so forth, nobility ceasing altogether with the son of 
a Uu. The 4 yu are military nobility. 

In Corea the nobility is divided into four political parties (E5l 
Oor. sa sciJi). These were formerly called jmi Jim, Cor. in 

(northerners), nan jen^ Cor, navim (southerners), ^ A tu?ig jen, 

Cor. tongm (easterners), m A Jisi jcn, Cor. sw4n (westerners). After 
splitting into factions they are now called (1) ^ laoJiin, Cor. noron, 
the most powerful party, a branch of the former MA sle-ln, (2) ^ 

namin., the largest, which has completely absorbed the ^ \ tongin, 
(3) tiro sioron, the inconsiderable remaining portion of the ® A 
siO’in, which at present has joined the no mi, (4) siojp 2 i?i, the 

only remaining branch of ilia 2 )uJnn and in league with the namin. 

The members of each party do not intermarry with those of another. 

The old Chinese fashion, still in use in Corea [called mangJien], 



to marry. Only Taoist priests Jh ^cto-'shih^ or P3 1!Z 
9mn-cha) who shave their head and plait their hair like 
other Chinese, in fact lay brothers, may marry. 

A priest who obtains a woman under the pretence that 
she shall marry another, and who then maiTies her himself, 
is severely punished. 

Marriage is impossible between male slaves and fi^ee 

Any impediment to marriage renders the marriage 
already concluded null and void ; the impedimenta are 
always dirimentia. Ignorance of them exempts the parties 
from punishment, but the marriage is dissolved. In accord- 
ance with the sense of the marriage contract the parties who 
signed it are punished if the marriage laws are transgressed, 
the go-ljetween only if he was aware of the illegality ; but 
husband and wife are not punished unless they are sui 
If the father, grandfather, or uncle signed the 
contract^ they alone are punished ; if it was another relation, 
he is punished as principal, and husband and wife as 
accomplices. The purchase-money is in each case forfeited, 
excej)! when the parties were ignorant of the existence of 
of the impediment. 

A dispensation in cases of impediments to marriage io 
not admissible.®^ 

In China difference of religion has no influence upon 

According to the laws of tlie Lombards, parents had the right o 
lulling or selling thoir daughters, if they married one in socage [Mayek, 
L(\, vul. 1 1, p. I-IOI]; in earlier times marriage between a free woman and 
a slave was not sanctioned, and the slave was put to death if he took 
the free woman by force [Grtmm, p. 324. ^S6e C. N. Starckk, Lc.^ p. 10(5 J. 

As ill the time of Justinian [§12, J . de nvptih, 1, 10 ; 0, 5, 8]. Modern 
legislation distinguishes between inipadhieuta juris 2 nd)Uai which render 
a 'marriage null and void — incest, bigamy, and adultery — and imj/udh 
mettfa juris -prlmtl which make the marriage invalid, if only private 
interests are involved. 

Also unknown to the Jews [see Mayer, l.c.j voL H, p. 31o]. 




The law says^^ that it is forbidden to intermarry with, 
some of the savages ; but this is not carried out in practice. 
In Formosa the (^hinese constantly intermarry with the 
savages ; that is to say, arriving singly they readily take 
savage girls as wives, chiefly from the settled tribes 
shii-fan)^ who have adopted Chinese surnames. 

3. — Betrothal. 

A. — The Contracts 

The mutual promise of marriage formed with the 
Eomans an act of social and moral importance as a prepara- 
tion for marriage. In China the parties concerned are not 
the principal ones. The ' conclusion, however, of a jmtuin 
matrimomum has to be preceded by a contract/''^ in which 
the amount of presents {arvlim sponsaliticn) and the latest 
day for concluding the marriage are fixed. When made, 
the contract, if in writing (jjig U-sliu)^ is signed hy those 
persons in whose patvia potestas bridegroom and bride 
stand ; the latter never sign it, unless both have no older 
relations. This last condition, and the fact of the son 
holding office, being the only cases in which a jilius or a 
fiUafai)iiUashQQomefistdjiiris. This is the chief distinction 
between the Chinese and the Roman marriage. 

Before the contract is signed presents are sent to the 
family of the bride ^ na-tsai, in common parlance 
^ lo4mg^ giving of earnest). Then cards, with the names, 
birthdays, etc. inscribed thereon, are exchanged (jg ^ thing- 

O'. Jamieson, Chim X, p. 88. 

Known by the Romans [I, 2, i). do sponmllMs^ 23, 1] and by the old 
G-erman law [Biohhorn, lUrhUf/mdoichto, §.o«l, §183, §321]. 



Mng^ spoken of as lo^n-ming, asking of names). 

When the parties are satisfied with all this, agreement is 
expressed by sending proof ^ na-cMng^ commonly 
called ^ ^ icea- ting ^ settling the language), when the 
contract (jji§ ^ li-shu) is exchanged. 

Thus the animus matrimonii^ the intention of husband 
and wife to form a connexion for life, can, with the above- 
mentioned exceptions, have no place in China. In Home 
the assent of the pater familias was required, but could only 
be refused for special reasons ; husband and wife, however, 
were allowed free choice. Among the Chinese the heads 
of the families alone choose, and the inclination of the 
principal parties is never consulted. 

If the son is absent from home, or if by mere chance 
a love match does happen, the assent of the parents has to 
be obtained : ^ ^ SD fSl ® ? pi 

fu mu (how do we proceed in taking a wife ? announce- 
ment must first be made to our parents).^^ [Shikmg, I, 
VIII, Ode VI, 3.] 

The preliminary negotiations are carried on by go- 
betweens m A m-ei-jen^ ^ mei-hou., \ chung-jen 
and ^ mei^p^o)^ who, mostly women, form an important 
part in the whole transaction. Male and female, says the 
Liki [vol. I, p. 78, Legge], without the intervention of the 
matchmaker, do not know each other’s name. Although 
the proverb asserts that nine out of ten go-betweens are 
swindlers (“f* chin k^uang^ still as without 

clouds in the sky it cannot rain, so without go-betweens a 
match can never be made 

^ Emperor Shun married without thus informing his i)arents, fearing 
the}’- might prevent him from doing so [Mengtzu, IV, XXVI, 2. Leggb, 
IT, p. 189], He considered that obtaining posterity was the higher 



tHen shang loic yiiii pu li&ia yil^ ti hsia lou mei 
pu dicing eJiHny^^ 

Before the signature of the contract hj the heads of 
the families, both parties convince themselves of the truth 
of the statements regarding the persons of the bride and 
the bridegroom, that they are sound in body and mind, and 
that they are not older than stated. The festivities of the 
betrothal then commence. As lies in the nature of the ease, 
the age of the betrothed parties — except that it be too 
great — is of no consequence.^^ It often happens that a 
betrothal is entered upon by friendly families at a time when 
bride and bridegroom are not over three or four years of 
age. The betrothal of unborn children is forbidden. 

B . — Effects of BetrotJiaL 

The contract of betrothal gives both parties a right 
to sue for the conclusion of marriage.^^ The party who 
refuses to keep the contract is punished with fifty blows, 
and the court enforces the marriage. Where the contract 

“ Other proverbs are : ^ ^ fSJ ^ ^ ehyi ju ho, 

fei mel U, how is it taking a wife ? without go-between it cannot be 
done [^Shihing, I, VII 1, Ode VI, 3-1:. Compare Lihi, 1, 78, Legge, IT, 
p. 297]. Or ^ W: ])l fung mei, marriage must be negotiated 

through a go-between. 

The Jews also use go-betweens (^sltadehaii), the Greeks had female go- 
betweens zpoiivYiorptat ; in Kome a 7mj?tianwi eonolliator was similarly 
employed, who, if present at the marriage, was called au^iieds nioptiannn, 

“ Compare the Roman law [Z, 14, B. (le 28, 1]: in sponsalibus 

contrabendis aetas contrahentium defiiiita non est, ut in inatriinoniis — 
si non sint min ores qiiam septem aniios. 

The same according to the Canonical, but not according to the old 
Boman law [1. 2, §2, JD. de dhen. rejnid., 24, 21; 1, 2, B. de qmns., 23, 1; 1. 184, 
JD. de uerK dbl., 45, 1 ; Const. 2, C, de imitil. stlind., 8, 39. It was not until 
the time of the Christian Emperors that loss was entailed by repudiation 
without proper cause [1. 5, C, de s;pons,^ 5, 1]. Compare the English b^-efich 
of promise cases. 



is not made in writing, tlie acceptance of presents is taken 
as proof of tlie agreement.^^ 

The betrothal may even be maintained if the family of 
the bride enters into a second betrothal and only in case the 
family of the first bridegroom waives its claim may the bride 
marry the second bridegroom. The presents are in this case 
to 1)0 returned. 

A forcible abduction of the bride before the time fixed 
for the marriage is punishable, as is also any delay on the 
part of the bride’s family beyond that time.^^ 

A singular situation arises if a fill us familias is betrothed 
during his absence from the family, his grandfather, 
father, uncle or older cousin, !<?., a person in whose -poiestas 
he stands, having, in the meantime, chosen a bride for him, 
and haviuo; signed the contract. If the son has married, 
tlie betrothal made by the bend of the family is dissolved. 
Otherwise the contract made by his family takes precedence 
over the one made by himself. 

C. — Dissohition of the Betrothal, 

If after signing the contract it appears that false state- 
ments have been made by the family of the bride, then the 
contract is void, the presents are returned, and the pater 
familias of the bride receives eighty blows. The punishment 
for a like fraud on the part of the bridegroom’s family is 
more severe, and the bride keeps the presents. Should the 

In ancient times the Jews celeJ)rated betrothal and marriage at the 
same time; considerably later, in the 3rd century A.D., the betrothal 
consisted in sending the bride something valuable or a document, declaring 
at the same time that be took her to be his wife. By this she became so far 
his wife that any breach on her i>art was punished with death. 

The Roman law punished this with infamy [1. 1, L 13, D. de his qui 
not, ‘inf,, 3, 2 ; Const. 18, O’, ad legom Jul, do adult,, 9, 9]. 

Roman law allowed an action for delay of marriage where without 
sufficient reason the delay extended over two or three years [Const. 16, 0. de 
episc, aud., 1, 4 ; Const, 2, 5, 0, de spousal., 5, 1 ; Const, 2, C, do feprod., 5, 17J. 



fraud be discovered after the marriage, an action for divorce 
can be entered. 

If the betrothal be dissolved before marriage, either 
through the death of bride or bridegroom, or through 
withdrawal of both parties (repiidhim vohintarium), or 
through a delay on the part of the bridegroom’s family for 
over five years, or through an impediment to marriage 
just arisen or only just discovered, then the presents 
have to be returned. If the marriage be not concluded, 
through the rejnuUum of one party, the party innocent of the 
dissolution of the betrothal gets back or keeps the presents. 

The fact of bride or bridegroom having been punished 
for theft or fornication gives a right to the other party to 
cancel the contract. 

4. — Conclusion of Marriage. 

‘^The ceremony of marriage,” says the LiJd [Legge, 
voL II, p. 428], ‘‘was intended to be a bond between two 
[families of different] surnames, with a view, in its retro- 
spective character, to secure the services in the ancestral 
temple, and, in its prospective character, to secure the con- 
tinuance of the family line. Therefore the superior man 
set great value on it. Hence, in regard to the various 
[introductory] ceremonies, — the proposal with its accom- 
panying gift [ always a goose ] ; the inquiries about the 
[lady’s] name; the intimation of the approving divination; 
the receiving the special offerings ; and the request to fix the 
day ; — these all were received by the principal party, as he 
rested on his mat or leaning-stool in the ancestral temple.” 

When the parties desire to conclude the mandage, 
presents of silks ( ^ ^ na-pi, spoken of as ^ jf§ ta4i, the 



great ceremony) are sent to the father of the bride, and a 
further document (jji^ ^ li-sliu, like the first one, also called 
^ ^ hun-^shu^ the horoscopes of the betrothed couple) 
passes.^^ This is the marriage contract stipulating the sum 
for the bride, which sometimes amounts to thousands of 
taels. The marriage is therefore preceded by a purchase, 
which is no mere sham transaction like the iioman eoemtio^ 
but corresponds to the purchase of the ancient German 
laws and to that of the Jewish law.*^^ By accepting 
the purchase-money, the father®^ of the bride sells and 
manumits his daughter to the bridegroom’s family, to which 
she henceforth belongs. Then a date is fixed (fii ^ 

commonly called ^ Q siuig-jih^ sending the day), and on 
that day the presents, together with her furniture, boxes of 
clothing, eatables, etc., are paraded through the streets to 
the bridegroom’s bouse, and the bride herself is brought in a 
closed red chair with music to her new home, where she is 
personally welcomed ch'^in-ying),^^ The bride and bride- 

groom then kneel together before the ancestral shrine ^ 
pai-t^ang^ ^ 5^ ilB pai-t^ien-ti, to worship heaven and earth) 
of the latter’s family. They next drink together the nuptial 
cup (g chin ) — usually two cups tied together by a red string‘s® 
— and the marriage ceremony terminates ch^mg4i). 

The Jewish lietlvwbali ' Tobias 7, 14) and the Komaii 

coimri/ptio^ contained the obligatioiis undertaken by the husband. The 
Bonian contract itself was called pactlo iw^ptialU, ya^r/.ai ^vyypccfcii, the 
document itself tahtlm mtpUaks. 

See Mayer, Ic,, II, p. 353. 

The Talmud says : The matrimonial purchase-money belongs to the 
father [Mayer, Ig., II, p. 326]. 

The conclusion of the Jewish merriage consists in the bride being led 
by the bridegroom into the nuptial chamber or being received into the 
bridegroom’s house. The latter ceremony is to-day represented by the 
vkuppah or canopy, under which betrothal and marriage are celebrated at 
the same time \^chle M. Bachs, Gehethicah dev InMeUte^i, (Breslau, 1892), 
p. 466]. 

®®x\ccording to the Lijti [ Lecue, vol. II, p. 429] two halves of a 
melon. — This bridal drink [Brauttruuk] was also known to the Germans 
[t‘. Weinhold, Die deutselien Frauen im Mlttelalter^ pp. 225, 264 j. 



The wife leaves her family for ever mm chhi cluay^ and 
belongs to the family of the husband/’^ ie., she considers the 
parents of her husband as her own, and mourns for them 
legally a longer time (three years) than for her parents (one 

In China, then, the church has nothing to do with 
marriage ; neither are the usual ceremonies and festivi- 
ties absolutely necessary for the conclusion of a justim 
matrimoniim, as long as the conse^isiis matrimonialis exists 
between those persons who sign the marriage contract. In 
fact when the bride has been brought up in the family of her 
future husband, as sometimes happens,®^ the red chair and the 
parading of presents through the streets become useless. 
But, like the Jews, the Chinese invite guests, relations, and 
friends, who keep up the festivities for three days. During 
these three days the bride is accompanied by bridesmaids 
ta-chin)^ who constantly attend on her. A peculiar 
custom is the so-called brawl-room (^ ^ nao-fang). During 
the first three nights the newly married couple are con- 
stantly disturbed by practical jokes executed by relations (in 
some provinces even by complete strangers), everybody trying 

The same expression is [used for a man who becomes a priest or a 
maiden who joins a nunnery. 

The Chinese custom requires a man to cleave to his father and mother 
and to compel his wife to do the same. Christianity by requiring a man to 
leave his father and mother and to cleave to his wife [Matth., 19, 5; Gal., 
4, 22-28 ; Ifiph.. 5, 81] has not expressed the popular sentiment and is not in 
accordance with Roman and modern law precepts. The beautiful words 
addressed by Ruth, the Moabite, to her Jewish motlier-in-law Naomi 
[Ruth, 1, 1(). Comp. 2 vSam., 15, 21] are often quoted in marriage sermons, 
but only mean that Ruth, the ancestress of the house of David, joins the 
Jewish faith. 

«« According to the Jewish law, the family of the mother is not called 
family [Mayer, l,r., II, 28.8]. 

See later on, urider Adoption.” 

iScc Smith, Ch'nie-w Cliaraetorhilcfi^ p. IKl. 

Thus giving due importauce and sullicient publicity to the ceremony 
[ZiAji, I, p. 78 (Degge)]. 



to obtain clothes or other objects of necessity or value from 
the bridal chamber, which the bridegroom has to redeem on 
the following day with wine, cake, etc. 

Marriage, therefore, as we have seen, is concluded in 
(Jhina by the will of the parties concerned being expressed 
in a public manner. So it was according to Roman law 
and, closely following it, the Canonical law,^^ until the 
Concilium J'ridentinmn (1545-63) introduced a formal act 
and made marriage a religious institution. This led to 
the doctrine of the indissolubility of the maiTiage bond, 
and the church arrogated to itself the exclusive right to 
decide in matrimonial cases. From that time began the 
differences between state and church which are only now on 
the point of being settled. 

In the ordinary course of events the Chinese wife bidngs 
no dowry ^ chia'^chuang^ ^ ^ ehuang'-Uen) to her 
husband. Still she may inherit, or she may be and 

possess money, land, or houses. In this case she can have 
her rights protected in tlie marriage contract.^^ 

Whilst the acquisition of a wife is called marriage 
chHl'-ch% mm cUeng-ch^in^ cli^mg-lixoi)^ the ceremonies 
of which have a sacramental character, the expressions for the 
ac(iuisition of a concubine (]fc li or § mai or cldh ^ 

cJdieh) point to the inferiority of the action. The union is 
concluded without music and without the red chair.'^''" The 
punishment for transgressions against the marriage laws in 

L 22, C, do Xbiijdih, 5, 

Cap. I-“X, do sjnnta. et 4, 1. 

Compare the special dowry contract of the Romans, facta dotalitia 
(the document itself being called dotU tahuhc). The Jews also mentioned 
the dowry Qnodnvnya. Compare Ezech., 16, 36) in the kothiiha ; the dowry, 
whether : , "" lovable or immovable goods, hut in most cases 

comprisii., ■ ■ ■■ . •. s.wih Jmrzol ( port/ fi for man J. 

'•'The same with the Jews: wives with nuptials and with marriage 
ronfraet, eoncuhiues (inlotjrnh j without either ; the same with the Greek 
; different,- however, with the Roman 2 }alle.c [1, 144, I)^ do 
.styntj.^ uO, IG ; -Voi*,, 18, c, o]. 



the case of a concubine are less severe than in the case of 
a wife. 

Marriage is called hin-yJn ; to marry a husband 

is ^ ^ chia-fa for wife and concubine alike 
nan hun nil chi a, the man marries, the wife takes a husband). 
[Compare the Italian casare^ 

h. — Relation of Husband and Wife to each other. 

Through the marriage the wife becomes, as was the case 
according to the law before Justinian/^ not only luor but 
comes also into the manus niariti. She ceases to be sai Jttris, 
if she ever was it, and leaves the patcia potestas, if she stood 
under it.’'^ 

It is in consequence of the way in which the wife comes 
into the power of her husband that she acquires veiy few 
rights with the marriage. Though she shares the rank and 
honours of her husband,'^ she has no right to demand 
conjugal fidelity from him,^^ whilst she, by sinning against it, 
commits a heinous crime. 

It is a cause for divorce if the wife beats her husband 
[a case probably as rare in China as with us, and, when it 
ha[)pens, more likely to be quietly endured than Ijrought into 
court], but the husband has the right to inflict corporal 
punishment on her. He is, however, punishable if by doing 
this he inflicts a wound ; but he escapes with a fine if he 
and hivS wife ai’e willing to l)e divorced. 

Sec Mackkldey, Lchrh. dva I'om, i?., Llth cd., 1 1, p, ti66 ; compare Gaji 
ImilL, § 4‘), § 108 ss., .11, § 8() 

Mackeldey, II, p. 274, note ; Gaj, List., ill, § 14, 24. 

™ As the Roman uxor shared the dUjnJtas viarlti. 

"" Unlike the Romans [A7/r., 117, c. 9, § 5: liceat nnilieri propter haiic 
ctiam cansani matrimuniuiu dissoiverc]. in ancient times the Chinese hus- 
band's adultery was punished by easlratiun fihhsinfj)^ 



The wife owes the husband implicit obedience, and is 
not allowed to leave the house without his permission. If 
she disobeys, her husband may sell her to another as a 

The wife belongs to her husband’s family even after his 
death if she leaves it, either to return to. her own or to 
marry again, she has to leave behind her husband’s estate, 
including what she brought with her. But her husband may 
have been the oldest member of his stock ; in that else, after 
his death his power is transferred to his wife, and one not 
unfrequently hears of an old lady managing the family estate 
with only one son assisting her, the others living in other 
provinces and receiving their orders from her. After her 
death the family property is divided ^ 
amongst the sons, who then become sui juris and register 
themselves as new families or households (F* hn). 

The wife cannot possess property of her own as long as 
her husband lives ; everything she possessed before entering 
into the manus passes into the hands of her husband, so that 
even property inherited by her remains with the husband 
after the marriage has been dissolved, unless it had been 
otherwise stipulated in the marriage contract. Although, 
therefore, the questions of dos^ 'pampliernce, pacta dotalitia^ 
and donatio inter vinun et uxorem do not really exist in 
Chinese law any more than they existed in the ancient Roman 
law, still a divorced wife or a widow wall always take her 
jew^ellery and silks away with her. And it is in such that 
any donatio of the husband is invested. 

Similar to the Roman law [1. 22, § 1, J). ad mnnieq^. et de meoLi 60, 1 : 
vidua mulier auiissi niariti doniicilium retinet]. 

See. Mackeldey, vol. II, p. 275 ; Gaj. I7}st, IT, § 86, III, § 82 ; 
TJtj)., XIX, § 18. 

Gaj. In fit, II, § 98 : si qimm in inanum ut uxorem reciperimiis, ejus 
res acl nos transeunt. 



The husband is not liable for debts contracted by his 
wife before marriage, unless she was sui juris and had no 
family when he married her. 

If the husband changes his residence, the wife is obliged 
to follow him if he wishes it.^^ Poor people change their 
domiciUum only to emigrate to another province ; people of 
the better classes generally leave their first wife at home, to 
educate the children and to look after the family property, 
and tak#a concubine at the new place. The emigration of 
females to foreign parts is prohibited. 

With all his power the husband is not allowed to hire 
out his wife to prostitution,^'^ although it does occur that a 
man whose wife has not borne a son, and does not allow him to 
purchase a concubine, hires for a time the wife of another to 
get a son by her. This is unlawful and not considered 
decent.^® But it is lawful for a man to enter into a contract 
with a widow and hire her for a certain number of years, 
until he gets a son by her. In this case the woman need not 
leave her former husband’s fiunily. 

6.— Dissolution of Marriage. 

Marriage is naturally dissolved by the death of either 
husband or wife. Another cause for the dissolution is 
divorce.^*^ This may be either enforced by law or be a 
voluntary act. 

The question is a tlisputecl one with ns Dernbukg, l.c,, vol. 11, 
p. 10]. 

The same in Jewish law [Lev., 18, 20]. — In Rome hnoHmim facerevi^^ 
punished with infamy [1. 1, 1. 4, § 2, 8, Z>. de h/s (jul not, inf., H, 2.— 1. 48, 
§ ()-9, 1). de r'lt'u nvptiavmn, 23, 2j. 

The Hindu in such cases will have recourse to “ lugoijaf i.e., hand over 
his childless wife to another man to obtain a child. See Staroke, l,e., p. 142, 

^ ^ which expressions 

are also used for a one-sided divorce, when the husband sends bis wife away, 
the Greek 



a. — A divorce mxtst take place if there exists an impedi- 
ment to marriage, or if the wife commits adultery. The 
husband has in the latter case the right to kill both adulterers, 
if he surprises them ia jiagmnte delicto,^^ If he does not kill 
the wife, she is punished and sold as a concubine, the pur- 
chase-money for her being forfeited. If tlie adulterer kills 
the husband, the wife is strangled.^^ 

1 ), — A divorce may take place — 

1. — If both husband and wife are willing td dissolve 

marriage (owing, ejj.^ to incompatibility of 

2. — If the wife leaves the house against the will of 

the husband should she marry whilst absent, 
she is strangled. 

3. — If the wife beats her husband. 

4. — If the marriage contract contained false state- 


5. — If the wife has one of the following seven faults : 

barrenness, sensuality, want of filial piety to- 
wards the husband’s parents, loquacity, thievish- 
ness, jealousy and distrust, or an incurable 

The husband, however, is obliged to keep her in spite of 
one or several of the above-mentioned faults if she has kept 
the full term of mourning for three years after the death of 

* Comp, Lev., 20, 10. The husband who kills' both and thus maintains 
the i)urity of the family is invariably rewarded by the local official and 
praised by the people. A correspondent from Tsiny:-kiang-p‘u describes 
such a case in the KoHli- China Daily Kews of 10th Kov. 1894, and, evidently 
dissatisfied with the morality of the transaction, adds : ‘Hhe most deplorable 
feature of the case is the fact of the official’s letting the murderer go scot 
free, and public opinion justifying him fully in winking at such brutality.” 

Compare 1. 43, § 12, 13, D. de ritii mipfiaruin^ 23, 2. 

On account of the suspicion of adultery ; the Canon law required more 
than mere suspicion, cap. 12 X, dt* jprcemmptwnibm : witnesses who 
solum cum sola^ nudum oum nuda in codim Uctu jacentcm ea ut credel)ant 
iutentionc^ ut cam eoguosoerct oarnaliter^ viderunt. 



his parents ; or if his familj", having been poor at the time of 
the marriage, have since become wealthy ; and, lastly, if the 
wife has no other relations to whom she may return after 
the divorce. 

When the divorced wife leaves the house, the husband 
may give her a bill of divorce (|jfC ^ hsui shu.^ ^ shu)^ a 

specimen of which is printed in G. Schlegel’s Woordenhoek 
[vol. I, p. 1053]. 

According to Roman law the action for divorce was a 
private one, open to wife and husband alike.^*^ The Chinese 
wife may only bring an action if she thinks her husband is 
willing to give her her liberty^ or if her husband has beaten 
her cruelly, or if she was deceived by false statements in the 
marriage contract, or if her husband was or has become a 

The effects of the dissolution of marriage are the 
following : the marriage is considered as having never been 
concluded ; the wife returns to her family, if the latter will 
receive her, the children remaining with the fathei', and the 
purchase-money being given back to the husband, except when 
the latter was the cause of the divorce. If the family will not 
receive her back, she becomes sid juris. All relationship 
tliroiigh the wife ceases with the divorce.^^ 

A third way of dissolving a marriage is the official 
declaration of death, if the husband has absconded and has 
not been heard of for three years. Tlie wife abandoned can 

^ 1. 2, 0. (le 'hint 8, BO.—l. 14, 0. (h nuptiu^ 5, 4. 

The Canon law has made marriage indissoluble [ Coiu\ TrUl. sm.^ 24, 
(h‘ meraimniio ‘^natrimonn, cap. 7. Compare also Matth., 19. 6], During 
the so-called enUghteumeut of last century the facilities for divorce were 
carried almost as far as in China and had to be considerably reduced. In 
the United States the most frivolous rules as to divorce seem to exist, and 
it appears to be granted from arbitrary motives. 

The same in Roman law [1. 3, § 1, JD, (le postulan^o^ 3, 1.— t/. de 
7mptiis^ 1, 10]. — The Canon law is of course dilTerent. 



tlien demand siich a declaration, especially if the family of 
lier husband will not or cannot pay for her maintenance. 

The time within which, after dissolution of marriage, a 
legitimate child can be born is fixed by Koman law at from 
182 to 300 days, or 10 months, by modern legislation at from 
210 to 302 days. In China a pregnant wife is rarel}" or never 
divorced, but after she has left the house of her husband for 
good the child she bears cannot be claimed by him. 

7. — Bigamy ^ slmaiuj shih). 

As before mentioned, the wife who maliciously leaves 
her husband and marries another during the lifetime of her 
first husband is strangled. 

If the husband, in the lifetime of his first wife rAV), 
marries another not a concubine ^ ch^iehi he is 

allowed to have as many of the latter as he likes), the 
marriage is null and void ; the wife returns to her family, 
and her father keeps the purchase-money, unless he knew 
of the existence of the first wife. In this case the money is 

A man who does double sacra is excepted (— ^ ^ Igl!; 
i tzii shuaufj t‘iao) ; his marriage with a second wife cki) 
is not considered bigamous. 

8. — Polygamy and Polyandky. 

In ancient times we find no people strictly monogamous. 
Polygamy was universally practised, generally without dis- 
tinction between the wives, but sometimes a kind of 
monogamy existed side by side with permitted polygamy, 
Ac., one wile and several concubines. In this case the latter 



were slaves and subjected to the wife.^^ Sensuality did not 
always lead to it, frequently the barrenness of the wife and 
the tendency to strengthen the family influence by having 
many sons was the guiding motive. Amongst the Jews it 
was an ancient custom which tlie Mosaic legislation neither 
cancelled nor sanctioned, expecting that time only could 
effect a change in a custom of such antiquity. In the Old 
Testament [Dent., 21, 15] it is rarely mentioned: — 
Abraham took Hagar as a concubine and divorced her when 
his wife bore a son.^^ But he had other concubines beside 
Hagar [Gen., 25, 6]. Jacob had two wives, Leah and Eachel, 
and besides two concubines, Bilha and Silpa, whose sons 
were all legitimate. Esau had many wives. King Solomon’s 
polygamy, which probably sprung from his love of splendour, 
is severely censured [1 K., 11, 1. Comp. Matth., 18, 25; 
Luke, 1, 5].^® In the 11th century polygamy was finally 
abolished, at least for the Jews in Europe, by R. Gbrschom, 
of Worms, in consultation with several other authorities. 

In China the case stands similarly. If the first wife is 
barren, a concubine is purchased, but almost always with 
the consent of the wife. Filial piety demands that the 
family be continued, so that there be worship at the ancestral 
graves.^® The concubines stand under the authority of 
the wife, their children regard her as their mother, for 
whose death they go into mourning for three years. It 
is self-evident that this is only an external form and that a 
child will always love its own mother. The statement . of 

See C. N. Stabckb, p. 2GL 

Ishmael was hU legitimate son, and that Abraham, instigated by- 
Sarah’s jealousy, sent him away too, was wrong. 

In Talmudic times the concubine (pllefjeHrh) was a legitimate wife, 
hut without the contract (kethuha)^ given only to the hrst wife. 

“ U'-. XXVI, 1 [Limwr. U, p. 1S0]:-1^ ^ W H 

A hKino yit s/iii icu hou wei tu (lia\'ing uo deseemlaiila is llie greatest 
of the three undutifiil acts). 



T. Unger, in his book on marriage,®’' that the children of a 
concubine treat their mother with contempt, is based on 
some misunderstanding. 

Amongst the lower classes in China polygamy is not 
the rule. In the better classes the first wife is frequently 
but slightly younger than her husband, and fades, in conse- 
quence of nursing her children too long — sometimes five or 
even six years, — earlier than her European sister. She remains 
at home to look after the children and the property, whilst 
her husband — official or merchant — is often absent for years. 
It is then that a concubine is taken, though rarely as long 
as the first wife is young. 

Polygamy has been called the fruitful source of so 
much anguish and death by suicide.’’ This is a sweeping 
statement. Most cases of polygamy occur in well-to-do 
families, whose means permit to them the maintenance of 
separate establishments for each wife, and the family life is 
not always disturbed,®® 

Though undoubtedly a great evil, polygamy is so deeply 
rooted that reform cannot readily be effected. Even Chris- 
tianity has no direct prohibition against it,®® and Bishop 
CoLENSO was of opinion that a convert with a plurality of 
wives was not required to put any of them away.^®^ 

In Corea, where practically the same family laws 
are in force as in China, the children of concubines do 

Die Wig in ilirer wclthutorischenEntmc'kGlung^fl\xotQ6.hy 0, N. Starcke, 

l.c,i p. 158. ^ 

»» Although a proverb aayB ^ M ^ ‘tnei 

ch^ieh cliiao fei Imei fang clilh fn (beautiful maidK and lovely concubines 
are not a blessing of the ladies’ apartments) ; or 

ch^ii chyi eh^ii tc cWil cIiHek oWii ae (we marry a wife for her virtue, a 
concubine for her beauty). 

Only a bishop was required to be the husband of one wife [1 Tim. 3, 
2 ; Tit. 1, 6, 7 : [uccg yvvatKog Mp. 

Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury ; Cambridge, 1862. 




not inherit the noble rank of their father (they are called 

Polyandry, which has to be treated in this chapter, is 
in China proper found exclusively in the prefectural city 
of T‘ing-chou Q[f ^), in the province of F ukien, whose 
inhabitants speak the Hakka dialect. This polyandry of 
Pukien, carried by emigrants to Formosa, is of local origin, 
being caused by the extreme poverty of the above-mentioned 
district, in which, again, only the very poorest practise it. 
Here the brothers, who are the husbands of one wife, live 
with her alternately for some period. In the same place 
child murder is of common occurrence, so that infanticide 
and polyandry seem both to spring from poverty. McLennan 
asserts that infanticide took its rise from the nomadic life 
of the primitive hordes, and that polyandry was the natural 
consequence of it, because women were scarce [Studies^ 
p. 131, 134]. This was certainly not the cause of the 
Fukienese polyandry.^^'^ 

9. — Second Nuptials (^* kou) and Violation 
OP THE Time of Mourning. . 

After the death of the first wife, remarriage by the hus- 
band is permitted without any delay. The requirements of 
the household may often render it absolutely necessary. 
The widow, however, against whose remarriage custom is 

Polyandry is practised in Tibet, Kunawar, and among the Todas 
[C. N. Starcke, I.C., p. 163]; it is described as follows Should there be 
more brothers, and they agree to the arrangement, the juniors become 
inferior husbands to the wife of the elder ; all the children, however, are 
considered as belonging to the head of the family {see Moorcroft & 
Trebek, Travels ^ I, p. 321. 0. N. Starcke, p. 134].— C. R. Markham 
[Narrame of the Mmion of George Bogle to nhet (London, 1876), p, 336] 
quotes Horace della Penna [1780] as an authority for saying that the 
wife attributes the offspring to him by whom she says she was with child. 


generally opposed, has to mourn three years for her husband, 
in which time she is not allowed to marry.^^^ 

The widow of a man of rank is not allowed to marry 

If the husband has left his wife, she may claim a divorce, 
or rather permission to marry again, but she has to wait 
for three years, as if the husband were dead. 

A peculiar custom exists in some parts of China, 
at Ningpo a marriage between a widow and a widower, 
usually both of advanced age, is concluded with the under- 
standing that the widow belongs spiritually to her former 
husband, when she dies her body is claimed by his family 
and is buried with him. 

To marry a widow is called ^ to 

take a second husband ^ ^ kai dim, or Jg ^ ^ fan fou 


1.— General Remarks. 

As was the rule according to the Roman law of the 
time before Justinian, all persons who depend on a pater 
familias, either grandfather, father, uncle, mother, or husband, 
stand ill China under patria potestas. Such persons are 
therefore either the wives of the loater familias or his sons 

102 The Roman term of mourning ended after 10 months, the breach of 
which was punished [Z. 1, 0. 11, §1, and §3, D, de his quinotAnf,, 3, 2. 
mv,, 22, 0 . 22]. The sense of cap, 5, X, de^ secundis nuptiis, 4, 21, is slightly 



and daughters or more distant descendants on the male line, 
or slaves. The patria potestas is the same as the domini 
potestas^ the power of the master over his slaves, according 
to the ancient Roman law. 

The children of a pater familias- are either legitimate 
or illegitimate. 

If a man has got a girl with child, he must marry her ; 
if he has a wife already, he must take her as a concubine. 
But in any case, even if he is prevented by death from 
marrying her, the child is considered his legitimate offspring. 

The master may dispose of the children of his slaves in 
marriage ^ elm hun)^ but has to obtain the consent 
of the child’s parents if he wants to dispose of them in any 
other way. 

Illegitimate children whose father is known but who 
are not made legitimate per s}ihsequens matrimonimn or 
adoption ssti and children of prostitutes tsa 

chung, mixed seed, vidgo queesiti)^^^^ stand under the power 
of the mother, whose family name they bear. 

Where many individuals of the same surname live close 
together a clan tsu or ts^u) is formed with a patriarchal 
constitution, which consists of individuals, not of families. 
The oldest and most respected of the fellow-clansmen P 
tshi li% \ jen) is elected elder of the clan 
ts^u ehang^ ^ tsht lao^ ^ tshc hskmg). By him the 
genealogical register of the clan |f tskc pSi) is kept, 
and the ancestral temple of the clan is under his management. 
If the clan is poor, the elder determines the contributions 
for the spring and autumn festivals to be paid by each house- 
hold, and divides the sacrificial meat (Jj^ ^ tsu joii) amongst 
them. But frequently there is clan property 03 tshc 
tHen\ left by a wealthy clansman. In that case the different 

Corapa.rc the Jewish mamzev, S 2 mrms, mtJmSf the child of adultery 
or incest [Dent. 23, 3 ; Sach., 13, G, bastard J, 



hoiiseliolds have nothing to pay, and any surplus is divided 
amongst them. Sometimes there exist endowments for a 
clan school, and from them candidates of the clan who are 
successful at the public examinations receive handsome 

Where a clan has thus been organised the greater part 
of the father’s power passes into the hands of the clan 
elder. Meetings of the clan are frequently held, in which 
clan affairs, family questions, business matters, politics, 
etc., are freely discussed. Members of the clan who mis- 
behave themselves are punished, a common punishment being 
to debar a man from joining in the ancestral worship and 
from sharing the sacrificial meat for the space of one year 
fMncf tsir i A more serious punishment 

is to be turned out of the elan altogetlier (m m 
but on those wdio continually disgrace the clan by crimes, 
capital sentence is passed and carried out by drowning 
^ burying alive i|| huo mai). 

The officials hardly ever interfere with clan decisions, 
but out of this imperium in imperio sprung during the Tsfin 
dynasty chHn^ 255-202 B.O.] a law called ^ ^ ^ 
i $an ts\ by which the whole clan was made responsible 
for the Clime of a single clansman. This law, to all 
appearances cruel and brutal, is after all but a natural 
consequence of the unity of the clan, claimed whenever it is 
advantageous to tlie clan interests. In modern times it is 
only applied in cases of rebellion, high treason, and similar 

2. — On the RiOxHTS of both Paeents with begard 
TO their Children. 

The patria 2 ^otestas over children, whether legitimate or 
adopted, is unlimited, The father (or after his death the 



mother can do with them as he likes ; he may not only 
chastise, hut even sell, expose, or kill them."^^® The latter 
occurs often enough, especially with girls, if the family is 
too poor to bring them up. Infanticide is not prohibited, 
but whenever it spreads too far (especially in the province 
of Fukien) the ofKcials issue proclamations against it. 
Moreover, it is generally considered blameable, and the 
voice of the people is raised against persons who carry the 
abuse of the father’s power thus far.^^^ 

The power of the father over his son does not cease as 
long as the hither lives, unless the son enters the government 
service, when the father, desiring to exercise his rights 
over him, has first to obtain the consent of the Emperord^^ 
Over the daughter the father’s power exists until she comes 
into the manus of a husband.^^^ If her marriage is dissolved, 
she may return into the power of her father ; as a widow, 
however, she remains in the family of her former husband. 

The duty of the parents is expressed in the proverb 

shumg nil 

clh^tng tui i sJieng ta shih i wan (when sons are paired and 
daughters mated the principal business of life is accomplished). 

Therefore not like Qaj. Inst,^ I, § 104. — § 10, J. de adopt,, 1, 11 : 
feminso — neo naturales liberos in sna potestate habent; but the same as 
the law of the Visigoths, Maybe, l.c., II, p. 416. 

The same power was given the father by the Romans [§ 2, 1,9; 

Gaj.,j7isi., I, § 55], by the Gauls [CiESAR, de hollo Gall,, VI, 19j, and 
by the Visigoths [lese IV, 2, § 13], Mayer, l,o,, II, p. 416. 

Infanticide was not wholly suppressed in Guzerat [see Schlagint- 
WEIT, Reiseri in Indien, etc, (Jena, 1869), I, p. 60]. 

Oh. Piton, V Infanticide en Chine, B^Ie, 1887. 

In puhliois loois atque muneribus atque actionibus patrum jura cum 
hliorum qui in magistratu sunt potestatibus collata interquiescere paululum 
ct connivere, etc. AULUS Gellius, It’ootes, II, 2, See Gibbon, Rome, 
chap. XLV (ed. 1815), vol. 8, p. 54. 

The same according to the ancient German law [Mayer, le,, 11, 
p. 448], 

As in Jewish law [Mayer, l,c., II, p. 440]. 



3. — On the Rights of the Husband with kegabd 
TO HIS Wife. 

The wife follows her husband wherever he likes to go, 
and may not leave the honse against his will. The husband 
has the right to chastise her, but not to inflict a wound 
above, “Causes for Divorce’’]. He has not the right 
to kill hex', except where he surprises her in flagrante 

He cannot, without sufficient reason, degrade his wife 
to the rank of a concubine. He may not hire her out to 
another man. 

4. — On the Duties of Children towards 
THEIR Parents. 

As long as the parents are alive, it is the duty of the 
children to show them reverence and obedience ]l[§ hsiao 
shun) and, if necessary, to nurse and support them.^^^ The 
son shall, if father, mother, or grandparents are over eighty 
years old, or feeble and ill, remain at home,^^^ unless another 
son over sixteen years old lives with them. Officials 
especially are bound by this command, but should anyone 
use this as a pretence in order to quit his post, he is severely 

Filial Piety is called the fundamental virtue [Lunyii, I. 2. Lbgge, 
I, p, 2. See also E. Faber’s Systematical Digest, and the essay “ What 
is Filial Piet}'-? ” by various authors, in the Journ. of the o/i2.4.5., 

vol. XX (18SG), p. 115-144. Compai'e the Jewish hihhiui aw reverence 
for father and mother]. 

See Lunyv, IV, 19 [LeguEj 1, p. 35]. 



As long as parents, grandparents, or husband are in prison 
on account of a capital crime, the children, grandchildren, 
and wife are not allowed to participate in festivities and 
amusements of any kind. Disobedience towards parents or 
neglect to supply proper support is, on the motion of the 
parents concerned, severely punished by the officials. 

Descendants are not allowed to enter an action against 
ascendants ,* they are not obliged to denounce crimes com- 
mitted by them or to appear as witnesses against them, 
except in cases of high treason, rebellion, etc. This exemp- 
tion extends to all members of the same household, even to 
servants and slaves. 

In fact the whole of Chinese life is theoretically based 
on filial piety on it the well-being of the family is built, 
and on this again society in general, and even the Empire 
itself, relies.^^® 

After the death of the parents the descendants take 
their place and see that their memory is kept unsullied,^^® 
It is their chief duty to strictly keep the term fixed for 
mourning and to rigorously perform the sacrificial cere- 
monies at the ancestral shrines and at the graves.^^^ The 
coffin has to be buried, if at all feasible, in the native soil, 

According to Lev., 20, 9 ; Dent, 21, 20-21 ; 27, 10 ; Prov,, 30, 17, 
even disrespect to parents was to be puuislied by death. 

^ ^ ^ ^ t'han lisiao tvei hsieii (o£ all the virtues iilial 

piety is the. foremost), 

Comp. Exod., 20, 15 ; Dent., 6, IG ; see also Plato, opera [ccL Didot] 
vol. n, p. 327 ; Jalkvt, I, § 830 : who has parents and does nut reverence 
them has disgraced God. 

The soil is responsible for the father’s de.bts to the amount of his 
inheritance, fit chan tzu chat tzU Iman. 

See Lmi/ii, 11, 5 [Legue, I, p, 11], 



and only then are the funeral ceremonies completed (J^JJ ^ 

All ancient nations regarded it as a sacred family duty to 
bury the dead with honours and to preserve their memory ; 
filial jhety towards the de}}arto(l was considered a general 
duty of humanity On the ideas of the Greeks and 

llomauSj Bokgkh [Z.c*., p. 122] says : the whole of the cult of 
tlie dead is based on belief in the immortality of the soul, 
which belongs to the highest antiquity. In the popular belief 
of the Gi’oeks the souls of the departed were reduced to 
unsubstantial shadows through the Homeric conce])tion of the 
world turned to a sensual life. In contradistinction to this, 
old cults were maintained, by which the dead were honoured 
as heroes and blessed spirits, as by the early Italians in the 
cult of the dii manes. 

Belief in the immortality of the soul is very ancient, 
and with it came the natural wish to let the deceased 
participate in the family feasting ; hence a cult of the dead 
sprung up.^^® 

The Egyptians held a similar beliefd^^ Just as unci- 
vilised people of our times, especially on the Dark Continent, 
reverence their dead and believe in the invisible existence 

The onerous nature of this duty may be gathered from the case of a former 
Customs Taotai of Shanghai, Feng ChCn-kuang who in 

187B went as far as Kansu, in the north-west of China, to fetch the cofiin 
of his father and to bring it overland to Canton, his native province. The 
dilliculty of the voyage, on which many ceremonies had to be performed, 
exhausted the dutiful sou to such an extent that he succumbed when only 
half the voyage was completed, llis brother took his place and continued 
the voyage with the two coflins. 

See Boeckh, Kncyol. MethuM. dee 'phlloL Wii^scmehaftob^ 2tKl ed, 
(Leipzig, 18B6), p, 421. 

H. Paul, Gnmlrm dev German} schen PhlUlogie (1891-03), vol, I, 

p. 008. 

H. BiiUcajH, JJk JCytjidologie (Leipzig, 1801), p. 180. 



of the departed and in their influence for good or evil on the 
surviving, so also with the Egpytians was the dead the 
subject of special reverence. In Egypt the cult of the dead 
was exaggerated. They believed in a second life, which was 
assumed to be on the pattern of the temporal. They gave the 
dead all sorts of things- in the beginning, perhaps, the proper 
ones, later on common and worthless imitations. 

Dim and hazy as was the conception of a future life with 
the Greeks, Eomans, and Egyptians, so is it with the Chinese. 
In fact, like the Egyptians, the Chinese consider the departed 
as taking the same interest in family matters as when alive, 
and serve them as such.^^^ 

The religious belief of the Chinese is not very profound, 
and their worship at different temples is influenced not so 
much by a belief in the special efficacy of a particular idol as 
by the unpoetical hope of reward for offerings — all too charily 
made, — a hope somewhat akin to that of a man who stakes 
his money — and his faith — on a number in a lottery. In 
this sense they believe that the invisible spirits of the departed 
are hovering round their old homes and may benefit those 
who appeal to them, but might also be revenged on 
those who disregard and neglect them. Filial love is the 
moving spirit ; habit and an indistinct fear are, however, 
closely allied with it. 

This cult of the dead has been called Ancestral Worship, 
and stamped as idolatrous by the decennial Missionary 
Conference of 1890. 

Now what is this cult ? 

Each Chinese house contains an ancestral shrine tHao^ 
^ c/i/a 56V6, ^ ^ cilia in which the wooden tablets 

of the ancestors ( |^ |{$ sMn p^ai^ ^ sMr 7[C slim 

mu^ also called ^ clda sMn) are placed, with the names, 
rank, and dates of birth and decease of the various ascendants 
See Lilli [Legge, il, p. 311], 



inscribed thereon. Before these incense is daily offered with 
prostrations pai)^ and twice a month offerings of eatables 
are spread, again with prostrations. Besides this honse-shrine, 
each clan possesses an ancestral temple ^ ts%mg miao)^ 
in which also tablets are placed, either of wood (|^ tJv shCm 
mv) or of stone (|| ^ sMn In spring and autumn 

periodical rites are performed by the clan, accompanied by 
sacrifices of meat (|^ at this temple, together with 
ceremonies at the graves of the ancestors. 

Ancestral Worship is called ^ ^ pai sMn cliUy to 

the tablet of a deceased parent or ancestor, or ^ jji|[ ^ 
pai tsii tsung, to pai^ the ancestors, ^pai means [Giles] 
to pay one’s respects to, to make obeisance, to worship, to 
visit ^ ^ pai A'o, to make calls). All family affairs 

should be announced (-^ A?/) to the spirits [see Lihi. Leggb, 
I, p. 78] and their blessing invoked (fjJl ^ tsung). The 
offerings jjiQ chi ssTt) should be made in a sincere spirit 
to all ancestors, however remote 
tstt tsung sui yiian chi ssU pu pu cUing'), 

At the Chfing-ming festival, in the spring, the ancestral 
graves are visited and swept l^pai ^ ^ jc>a/ 

Then meat is offered tsu), and paper money ( ^ ^ 

For an illustration of their arrangement, see China BevieWf vol. IV 
(1875)^1). 296. 

W s7ie)i, spirits, gods, divine, supernatural, nij’-sterious [Giles], should, 
on account of the use of the word in the sense as here, never stand for God, 
That this is the true and only standpoint to take the author endeavoured to 
show in the CMna JReview [vol. VI (1877), p. 278] by translating the articles on 
ahang-tl and Mn from the great Manchu Dictionary, the highest 
authority on the point, having been published with Imperial assistance. The 
term shang-H exactly corresponds to the Hebrew M ^eJj$n in Genesis, 
6 uij/tcTTOc ©eoc» 

one of the 24 terms into which the year is divided, the 16th 
of the 2nd moon, about March. 

Greeks and Romans also honoured the memory of the dead by periodi- 
cal sacrifices at the graves [Boeckh, to,, p. 422], — The Jews also have a 
yearl}^ visit to the grave, the so-called Jahrzeit." Their service in memory 
of the dead (Jiazliarat neshamof) is part of their synagogical liturgy. The 
All Souls Day of the Church is the same, when supplications are made 
for the souls of the faithful decee^sed, 



ehin yin eldh) and different articles for the use of the departed, 
also made of paper, are burnt in front of tlie tombs 
fea ch'ieii, shao The following is a pra3'’'er recited on 

this occasion : We have come to sweep your tomb, to show 
our gratitude for your protecting care, and now we beseech 
you to accept our offerings and make our posterity prosperous 
and happy 

A funeral repast, at which the sacrificial meat is eaten, 
concludes the ceremony.^-^ 

This, then, is the form the so-called Ancestral Worship 
takes in China. The subject in its bearing on Ohristian 
converts was first discussed as early as the 17 th century. 
The Jesuits saw nothing idolatrous in tliis form of wor- 
ship, and, perceiving the strong hold it had taken on the 
Chinese mind, allowed their converts to continue its prac- 
tice. Christianity was then on the point of conquering 
China. Subsequently rival sects set up a cry and accused 
the Jesuits of too great leniency towards heathen practices. 
Pope and Emperor were appealed to. The former at last 
gave a final verdict against ancestral worship, which the 
Emperor resented ; in consequence of this dispute the cause 
of Christianity was blighted. The Roman Catholics have 
ever since disallowed ancestral worship. 

The Protestant missionaries have for a long time been in 
doubt about this cult. Many voices had already been raised 
against it, wlien at the last Missionary Conference ( 1890 ) 

The heathen custom of burning: clothes and other articles at the funeral 
of the dead was i)erinitted to tlie Jews, as this custom is also mentioned in 
the Bible [m; Sanhedrin, p. 52/;]; it is called iiavephali." [,sw IfAMBURUEB, 
11, p. 8S]. It was evidently an ol<l Egyptian rite Brugsch, 
t.e., p. ISO]. One of tlie oldest customs of all Gfirmanic tribes was to place 
in the tomb of the dead sometliing which had been treasured or regarded as 
indispensable by him while living \jt/w H. Paul, la,, vol. I, p. 999], Even 
in this century it is customary iii Sweden to ])laoe in the coffin tobacco- 
pipes, knives, and oven a full bottle of whisky 1 Weinwold, Altnoyd, 
Zehm, p. 49H. H. Paul, /.c., vol. T, p. loOOJ. 

W. A. H. Martin, Ilanlm Papers^ Second Series (1894), p. 346, 

^‘^See H. Paul, lo,, vol. I, p. 998. — The idea that the dead invisibly 
participate iu the meal we hnd everywhere. Compare the Irish wakes. 



the question was put to the vote and it was decided “ that 
this Oouference affirm the belief that idolatry is an essential 
constituent of ancestral worship. ” Tlie Oouference con- 
demned all idolatrous customs, all customs that recognise any 
being as worthy of worship aside from the true God. 
Dr. Yates, a well-known missionary, says [p. G12] that 
three evils come from ancestral worship : — 

1. — Betrothal of children at an early age, by which 
millions are made miserable for life. ” 

Now it is well known how much our line of thought is 
influenced by general custom. What appears to us as want 
of freedom and even severity does not appear so to the ( 
mind. The Clhinese consider marriage as a business, in wliich 
the erotic element need not enter at all or is perhaps con- 
sidered troublesome. This was also the view taken in Europe in 
former ages^^^ and the betrothal of children was a common 
practice. The romantic love in marriage is a thing of modern 
times. But even now it is not considered a necessary 
factor ; equal aims and equal interests are more conducive 
to a happy union than mere love. 

We cannot hold ancestral worship responsible for early 

2. — Polygamy, the fruitful source of so much anguish 
and death by suicide.'’ 

Polygamy, as we have already said, is certainly an 
evil, but it is still practised by the great majority of 
mankind, ‘‘Anguish and death by suicide,” said to be 
provoked by polygamy, are, in my opinion, not of frequent 
occurrence in China, because the evil is firmly established 
and the (Jhinese woman hardly considers it as baneful. 
In the majority of cases, but not in all, l)arrenness of the 
wife and the desire to have children lead to polygamy. 
Love of splendour, the wish to have a large family (and 
ISO Ch'widrm^ vol. 11, 2, p. 217, 



lienee greater influence), and carnal considerations have 
as much to do with it as ancestral worship. But before we 
judge others, ought we not to inquire into our own position? 
Have we realised the ideal of marriage of one man with one 
woman ? or have we, to use the words of a modern author, 
rounded Seraglio Point, but not passed C^ape Turk yet ? 

3. — “ The heavy tax in support of this worship.” 

The daily expenditure of 360 millions in joss-sticks 
alone certainly comes to a respectable total at the end of 
the year, and the spending of so much money may be called 
an utter waste, but it can hardly be called an evil, and is not 
a heavy tax on the individual. 

A paper by Dr. Martin [Record of Conf,^ pp. 619-631] 
pleads for tolerance ; Dr. PL Blodget pp. 631-654] 
condemns ancestral worship as antagonistic to Christianity ; 
Dr. E. Faber has given a concise and terse Tcsiimd of the 
whole question [pp. 654-655]. 

Now religious Conferences and Councils have invariably 
been failures when absolute truth was to- be ascertained, and 
I am afraid this last Conference was no exception to the rule. 
It is more than doubtful whether idolatry is really an 
essential constituent of ancestral worship. Idolatry is the 
worship of idols, images, or anything made by hands, or 
which is not God” [Webster]. If the Chinese “worship” 
their dead as idols, they also worship their living parents 
in the same way, for the ancestral rites are but a continuation 
of the filial love shown to the living. In such rites there 
is no “worship” in our sense of the tex^m, and by substituting 
“ cult ” the baneful spell of the word is broken. 

Ancestral worship is only external religion, but it has 
taken deep root in the hearts of the Chinese. Only thorough 
teaching can undermine it. A true convert to Christianity 

As W. Williams \_MidcUe Kingdom^ vol. TI, p. 279] has done ; he 
computes the yearly expenditure at one dollar per head. 



will soon give up the superstitions closely connected with 
ancestral worship, and we have for this a good example in 
the Chinese Mohammedans, who with their better creed soon 
gave up the superstitious practices. The early church acted 
mox’e wisely than our modern missionaries, for old customs 
which appeared dangerous to the new creed, hut the sudden 
pi’ohibition of which would have been unwise, were changed 
into Christian festivals. England and Germany offer many 
examples of this practice [comp. Beba, Hist eccL^ I, 30, 
ed. Holder]. 

The difference between the sacrifices to God and those 
offered to ancestors is well drawn in the Liki [Legge, vol. 
I, p. 413]: — ‘‘In the sacrifice to God we have the utmost 
expression of reverence, in the sacrifices of the ancestral 
temple we have the utmost expression of humanity.’’ 

In India a somewhat similar cult of the dead existed, 
but as to its present state I have no authorities. 

5. — ^Acquisition of Patria Potestas. 

Patria potestas may be acquired (a) through marriage, (/>) 
through procreation, (c) through adoption, and (d) through 
purchase, the last method differing in nowise from (a) and 
(r). If the person who acquires p)afria p)otestas in one of 
these four ways stands himself under jjotestas, then 

he acquires it for his pater familias : — 

(a.) JBy Marriage, — The wife belongs after marriage 
to the family of her husband^ and stands in his 
manus or in the patria 'potestas of that person under 
whose patria potestas the husband stands. 

(/>.) By Procreation, — Children come under the 
patria potestas of their father, whether born by a 
wife or by a concubine. 

\V. (JALAxn, AUin&kGhvr Ahieneultun, Das Qradda, naeli den 
versckiedenerL Scliulen dargestellt, Leiden, 1893. 



(e.) Bij Adopion . — To explain this institution, most 
important in Chinese Jaw, we talve the Roman law 
as a type.^®^ 

A man may adopt a person as son or daughter, or, if he 
formerly had sons, as grandchild, hut not as brother, wife, or 
concubined^'^ In China nearly all adoptions take place in child- 
less families, and among these the greater part are adoptions of 
sons. Five per cent of all families in China possess adopted 
children [E. H. Pakker].^^^ A^^hat is said with regard 
to adoption among the ancient Greeks holds good for the 
Chinese : — The dying out of a family was to be prevented, 
as by the desolation of the house the dead lost their religious 
honours, the gods of the family their sacrifices, the hearth 
its flame, and the forefathers their name among the living. 

The oldest recorded instance of adoption in China is 
that of Shun being received into the family of Emperor Yao 
[2200 B.C.] 

Adoption, like marriage and the acquisition of slaves, rests 
in China upon purchase, concerning which a contract is made, 
with the difference that the word “ wife,’’ “ son,” daughter,” 
or “ slave ” is specifically mentioned in it. The most frequent 
case is the adoption of a nephew by a childless uncle. This 
nephew is generally a younger sou, who then leaves his 
father’s family and his son becomes the grandson of the adopt- 
ing uncle. If there is only one nephew whose duty it is to 
continue the line of his father, he has to marry another wife 

whose mule issue is considered that of the uncle. The 
nephew has thus to perform double mtva and is called “ one 
son with two ancestral halls” ( — * ^ ^ i|| i tzil slmwuj 

G. Jamieson. The History oE xA.duptioii juid its Relation to Modern 
Wilis ” [C/um Bevhw, NVTII (1S89), pp, 137-U{>]. 

Compare /. D. de adopt .y 1, 7. 

Compare the lavv of Mnnu, IX, 127, : the nindu considers it a 

religious duty to have a son, by whose means he may psiy off his debt 
to his forefathers. If without offspring he must adopt a child. 



tHao)* He moiirus the three years’ term for his adoptive 
father and only one year for his parents. If he leaves 
only one son, the latter has, like his father, to marry two 
wives ; the issue of the one is that of his grandfather, that of 
the other continues the uncle’s family. When two sons are 
obtained the ancestral hall is completed t'iao). 

This, then, constitutes the only case where a Chinese may 
have two wives chH) at the same time. 

Where there is no son or nephew, but only a daughter, a 
son-in-law may be taken into the family, who leaves his own 
family without being actually adopted. This is called Jg 
chao Jisil, inviting a son-in-law. 

It being prohibited in China for officials to hold office 
in their native province, adoption becomes the means of 
avoiding this restriction. The official in c|uestion is adopted 
into a family of another province, acijuires thus a right of 
domicile (cJu in the province of his adopted pai^ents, 
and may now hold an office in the province originally his 
native one. In the same way confiscation of property is 
prevented by adoption, if such confiscation is imminent on 
account of the crimes of near relatives. 

The general reason for adoption is to continue the stock, 
^ ^ chieh tsung tzfu Adoption of agnates is called 
ch^eng chi (taking over the succession), ^ j||| kno ssn 
(going over to be heir), or ^ kuo sst( (going over to the 
mcra). There is a distinction between this and the adoption 
of a stranger : — i izn (or lul) and tzti 

(or ^ nil) godchildren or jilii Instrici^ or ^ ^ 

(rearing a child). As long as the former is possible, few will 
resort to the latter fiction. The adoption of cognates is 
called ^ ^ kuei tsung (returning to the stock). 

A. — General Reijuimnents of Adoplioru 

As the main idea of Chiueso adoptioi^, it may be stated 




tLat only chilJreH out of families who bear the same family 
name may be adopted, as otherwise, according to the Chinese, 
the difference between families would soon cease to exist. 

No special requirements are prescribed for the adopter, 
and the law fixes no age limit under which one may not 
adopt, although it is usual for the adopter to be older than 
the person to be adopted. Foundlings under three years’ 
old may be adopted without further ceremony. 

An adopter may emancipate the adopted, and adopt him 
a second time.^’"^^ 

The wife, acquiring after the death of her husband his 
'pairia 'potestas, has therefore the right of adopting ; she 
has, however, to ask the consent of the nearest male relation 
of her late husband, for adoption as well as for datio in 
adoptionem. She has further the right of preventing the 
legitimate or adopted sons of her former husband from 
giving themselves into arrogation against her wish. 

The adoption of one’s younger brother or one’s uncle, 
even if the latter is younger than the nephew, is not allowed ; 
for the same reason the uncle may not adopt a nephew who 
is older or of the same age as himself. 

An interesting case is that of a foreigner desiring to adopt 
the two illegitimate children he had by a Chinese woman who 
liad subsequently absconded. According to the law of his 

As is the case in Homan law [§!,»/, do adopt, ^ 1, II : minoreui natu 
non posse mujoroni iidoptans placet ; adoptioiiem euiiu natunim imitatur 
et in*() luuiistro est, ul major sit lilius quani pater. Debit itaque is qiii 
si])i per iidoptioueni vcl arrogationem dlium lacit, plena pubertate, id est 
xviii nniiis pnccedere, X., 40, § 1, D. do adopt., 1, 7J. 

Not so in Roman law [7., 37, § I, U. de adopt,, 1, 7 : eum quern quia 
adoptavit eiiiaucipatum vei in adoptioiiem datum iterum non potest 

The same in ancient Egypt [soo Maykk, Lr,, 11, p. 427], but not so in 
Rome f§ 10, J, do adopt., 1, 11 ; fendme quoque adoptarc non possunt. 
Const,, o, I, do adopt,, 8, 48 : nmlierem quidem qute nec suos filios habet in 
potestate, arrogare posse certuin est]. 



country lie could only legitimise his children, so long as their 
mother was living, by suhseqaens matrimoniiim. This was 
impossible, as the woman could not be found. The Chinese 
authorities were then asked to allow these children to take the 
foreign nationality of their father ; and after obtaining this 
permission, the children were adopted by the father, 

B . — Spmtd Beqniremenffi of Allopf ion and ATTogalion, 

WlK)ev(U’ wants to give himself into arrogatiou must ask 
for the consent of the nearest relations of his former j)ater 
familias. If he has elder brothers alive, their consent also 
must be asked. In the lifetime of his father the son may 
give himself into arrogation, even without the consent of his 
father or his relations, if the father is insane and poor, so 
that the son by the arrogation acquires the means of support- 
ing him. If the father is far away the son is allowed to be 
arrogated, but the father may, on his return, claim back 
his son. 

According to its nature, the datio in adoptionem is, 
properly speaking, a sale {oemUtio)^ to which only the consent 
pater fami.lias is required; the person to be adopted is 
nor asked except he be a son holding office. In practice, 
however, it never happens that an adult married son is sold 
into adoption against his own free will. The wife of the 
adopted follows her husband, but the children remain in the 
family of the pater familiasd^^ 

A man having sons of his own may not adopt a stranger 
as their elder brother, but he may adopt grandchildren, as 

According to Roman law the children of an arrogated person followed 
their father, while the children of an adopted person remained with their 
grandfather [0. 2, § 2, D. de adopts 1, 7 : is qui liberos in potestate habet, si se 
arrogandum dederit, non solum ipse potestati arrogatoris subjicitur, sed et 
liberi ejus in ejusdem limit potestate tanninam nepotes. A, 40, pv, B, de 
adopt,, *1,7: quod non similariter in adoptioue contingit, uam nepqtes ex eo 
in avi naturalis retinentur potestate, — L,, 20, 27, J). ibid , : ex adoptive natus 
^doptivi locurn obtinet in jure civili]. 



sons of Ms legitimate or adopted sons. After Ms death the 
latter have the right to dissolve such adoptions. 

Brothers may, after the death of their parents, give their 
elder or younger sisters into adoption, hut not without the 
consent of the latter. 

Even after death a fdins postJmmits may be adopted 
for a man by his relations or friends, in case he died 
without any male descendants ; preference is given, in 
such cases, to a nephew of the deceased. By special grace 
the Emperor may do this for princes of the blood or high 
dignitaries, but in all cases with the consent of the male 
relatives of the deceased. By this means the levirate, as 
stated above, becomes unnecessary, 

C. — Effects of Arrogation and of Adoption. 

In China the effects are in either case the same.^"^^ The 
adopted becomes agnate of all agnates of the arrogater or of 
the adopter. Altogether, the adopted son (or daughter) has a 
better position than the natural one, as he cannot be sold 
without the consent of his natural parents, unless a second 
adoption be of real benefit to the child. He has all the rights 
of a son (or daughter). In the case of inheritance, natural as 
well as adopted sons take precedence of all daughters.^^^ 
Should the adopter have sons born after the adoption, so that 
the original cause for the adoption no longer exists, he may 
cancel the adoption, if the parents are willing to take back 
the child. The child, however, must be kept if no member of 
his family lives to whom he can return ; only officials may 
thus be left without family. 

This adoption after death was also known io the G-reeks [see Mayer, 
U\. IT, 429, who quotes Deinosth. and Isfuus]. 

Not so in Eoinan law fl. 1, 1. 23, I), de a(lo})t.y 1, T.— § 2. J. de adoj)t., 
1, 11. — Const. 10, § 5, C, do adopt. ^ 8, 48. — § 18, /. (le hevod,^ B, 1]. 

See Oh. Alabaster, The Law of Inheritance,” China Uemew^ vol, Y 
(1876), pp. 191-195. 



The adopted child being regarded as the real child of Ills 
adopted parents, these must give their consent if the child 
wants to commence a three years’ inoniaiing after the death of 
his natural parents. An official is not allowed to mourn two 
terms of three years, but only one term for his adopted father, 
as mourning means in this case withdrawal for the time from 
official life. 


With the death of the father his power passes to the 
mother, and after her death to the eldest son, who then 
has also power over his younger brothers and elder and 
younger sisters. 

The father’s power does not cease throughout his lifetime, 
except with his owm free will or where the son holds office. 
Unless wdth the special permission of the Emperor, the father 
cannot in the latter case exercise jiower over his son. As 
already mentioned, the son becomes (pum sni juris if the 
father is insane and at the same time poor. 

Excepting where the father give's himself into arrogation, 
so that his children come under the powder of liis arrogater, 
the father’s power may cease with his will : — 

1. — By sale into adoption, by which the son acquires 
agnate rights in the family of his adopted father. 

2. — By sale of a daughter into marriage, she becoming 
an agnate in her husband’s family and entering his 

3. — By permission to the children to enter a religious 

order. They then lose their family name and leave 
the family connexion altogether r/iia), 

4. — By exposing the children in tender age. The 
linder may lawfully adopt them if under tbre§ 



years of If older, they are not allowed 

to be exposed, and only the ways mentioned under 
No. 1 and No. 8 are left to the father to rid himself 
of his child. 

In contradistinction to the Roman law,^"^*^ the father may 
relinquish his power even against the wish of his children. 

An emancipation in the Roman sense, by which the 
emancipated person becomes siu juris, does not exist in China. 
After the death of the father the daughter becomes sal jarls, 
if a widow and having sons, the son only in case he has 
a family. 


If at the time of the parents’ death the children are still 
very young (under seven years), and no head of the family 
exists who has ipso jure a right to the patrla potesias, the 
father’s' power devolves upon one of the male relations of the 
same surname thing hshig v.hh.n ehh), if no 

testamentaria tutela has been ordered. If no such relation 
exist, then one among the male relations of a different sur- 
name wai hsing chHn chH) is chosen. To be 

without any such relationship is in China an imi)ossibility. 
If after the father’s death no relation is willing to take the 
responsibility of the patrla potestas upon himself, such 
guardian has to be appointed (f^ Bfil ^'o kv, to confide an 
orphan to any one, ^ ft M ^ guardian). 

Const. 2, 4, C*. de infant, 8, 52. K(n\ 16.% c. 1 (non gloss.). 

Kov,^ 89, c. 11, pv , : solvere jus patriaj potestatis iinvitis filiis nop 
permissum est patriLus, 



The guardian has the full patvia potestas and, like the 
father, retains it, with the above-mentioned exceptions, as 
long as he lives. The property of the child, of which the 
guardian has the full usufruct, continues to be the child’s. 

When a widow remarries, the children by her first 
husband come under the power of the second. But if a son 
of her first husband returns, with the consent of the second 
husband, to his father’s family ^ ® ^ tsuiuj^ 

an orphan returning to his ancestors), a guardian has to be 

Between txitor and pupilla a marriage is impossible ; it 
would be considered incestuous. 




Adoption - - - 135, 144, 182 Marriage - - - - 139 ^ 15(5 

„ posthumous - - 147, 186 „ contract - - 152, 157 

Adultery - - 148, 160, 163, 173 Mengtzii - - - 141, 153, 166 

Ancestral worship - - 174, 176 Mesalliance . - - . 15 q 

Betrothal 152 Mohammedans - - - 147, 181 

Bigamy 165 Mourning, time of 136, 147, 158, 183, 187 

Bridesmaids - - - - 158 Kao-fang (brawl-room) - - 158 

Burial 174 (Hindu) - - - - 162 

Children 171 ; exposing children 187 ; ) Mobility ... - 150 , 169 

illegitimate 170. f Nuns 150, 187 

Clan 135, 170 Nuptial cup - . - - I 57 

Concubinage - - 141, 159, 166 Officials - - 149, 172, 173, 183, 187 

Corea - - - - 143, 150, 167 Orphans - - - - 148, 188 

Death of husband, declaration of 164 Pater faimlias - - - 135,169 

Deceased wife’s sister - - - 144 Patrla 2 )otestas - 160, 171, 181, 187 

Divorce 160, 162, 169, 172 j bill of 164 Polyandry 168 

Dowry 159 Polygamy 166 

Eunuchs 143 Presents - - - 152, 155, 156 

Family 134 Priests .... 150, 187 

„ names - - - 135, 146 Puberty 142 

Filial piety 173 Rank, inetiuality of - - - 150 

Gro-betweens - - - . I 53 Relationship, grades of - - 185 

God, name for - - . - 177 Remarriage - - 147,168,189 

Guardian - - - . 148, 188 Savages 152 

Husband and wife - 151, 160, 173 Servants 135 

Impediments - - - - 142 Shiking - - 134,140,143,153,154 

Infanticide - - - 108, 172, 187 ShiiUiUj 136 

Law and Custom - - - - 134 Shun, Emperor - - 144,153,182 

Levirate . - . . I 47, 168 Slaves - - 135, 138, 151, 170 

question .... 177 

' 176, 177, 181 Wife . . . 141, ico, 165, 183 

Manebu - - - 138,141,146 Widow - - 148, 150, 168, 172, 189 

Manu 145, 182 Yao, Emperor - - - 144, 182 




1. — The following members of Council and office-bearers were 
elected at the annual meeting held under the presidency of Consul- 
General Hannen on the 11th May 1892 : — 

Messrs, N. J. Hannen, President; P. G. von Mbllendorff, 
J. Ediuns, Vice-Presidents; Z. Yolpicelli, Hon, Secretary; 
J. Ritter von Haas, Hon, Librarian; D. C. Jansen, Hon, Curator 
of the Museum; Tbos. Brown, Hon. Treasurer; T. W. Kingsraill, 
R. E. Brcdon, Rev. E. Faber, G. M. H. Playfair, Councillors. 

During the course of the year we have been singularly unlucky in 
losing either temporarily or definitively some of the most valuable 
members of the Council. The indefatigable Vice-President, Dr. 
Edkins, has been absent for almost the whole time, dedicating his 
energy to the service of sinology at home ; and from official reasons 
of different kinds Messrs. Bredon, Playfair, and Faber have been 
called away from Shanghai and we have lost their services in the 
Council. The absence of the latter gentlemen having occurred 
only lately their places were not filled up, this being reserved for 
the coming annual meeting. 

2. — Members of the Society. — Eight new members joined the 
Society during the year, and four have retired. 

3 . — Meetings. — Four Meetings were hold during the year, when 
papers with the following titles were read : — 

Early Growth of Language in Asia, by Dr. Edkins. 

Abstracts from the papers received on Inland Communications 
in China, and Remarks on the so-called Runes of the 
Yenisei Valley, by T. W. Kingsmill. 

Early Portuguese Commerce in China, by Z. Volpicelli.^ 

Arab Trade in China daring the T‘ang dynasty, by Z. Volpioelli. 



council’s bepokt. 

4. — Journal. — The following papers read at former meetings 
were published during the year ; — 

1. — The Fish-skin Tartars, by M, F. A. Fraser. 

2. — K Comparative Table of the Ancient Lunar Asterisms, by 

T. W. Kingsmill 

3. — Wei-ch4, by Z. Volpicelli. 

4. — Militant Spirit of the Buddhist Clergy in China, by J. J. M. 
de Groot. 

The delay in publishing the papers read during the year, besides 
a valuable paper received from A. von Rosthorn on the Salt 
Administration in Szechuan, is explained by the fact that the 
Council have desired to give precedence to a very long and bulky 
series of papers which require most careful revision in. the press, — 
the papers received from all provinces on Inland Communications in 
China. Such a preference is justified, because tlie series is a most 
important one, tlirowing great light on an interesting subject which 
one may say is of great present and future value, because the 
contemporary history of all other countries has taught us that 
railways always follow in the main lines the roads already employed 
for thousands of years by men, pack-horses and vehicles. This 
useful collection, which Mr. Kingsmill has kindly undertaken to 
see through the press, will be prefaced by a lucid introduction by 
the same gentleman which will greatly assist the reader in grasping 
the general features of the question worked out in detail by many 
different papers. 

5. — Library . — During the year a slow but valuable work Las 
been going on, the compilation of a new catalogue. The Council 
feci it a duty to point out the debt the Society owes to its Hon, 
Librarian for the patience and assiduity he has shown in this work, 
the fruits of which will only be apparent to all when the new 
catalogue is published ; it will then be seen how many new volumes 
have been catalogued and how necessary it was to adopt a new 
method of arrangement. 

6. — Museum. — There is no report from the Hon. Curator for this 
year, because during almost the whole period the Museum has been 



closed. This measure was rendered necessary by the discharge of 
the Taxidermist in the expectation that a Paid Curator would 
shortly be put in charge of the Museum. During the whole period 
under review the Council has been in correspondence with a 
Taxidermist in Australia, highly recommended by Mr. Carl Bock 
and other authorities, and it was led to expect that the Naturalist 
would arrive in Shanghai at the beginning of 1893. Unexpected 
circumstances, amongst which was the financial crisis in Australia, 
rendering it difficult for the gentleman in question to liquidate his 
affairs, have delayed his arrival, and the present Council being at 
the end of its term of office did not think it advisable to settle the 
question by sending him an ultimatum. It is, however, a question 
which the future Council will have to settle at once. 

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libbakian’s kbpobt. 

Librakian's Report. 

Shanghai, 16th May 1893. 


My report for the past year is only a short one. The Council 
having decided that a new catalogue of our Library should be 
published, your Librarian was during the tenure of the second year 
of his office busily engaged in arranging and classifying the 
Library, a task not easily and speedily performed if you take into 
consideration that there are about 2,000 numbers comprising nearly 
20,000 volumes. 

The catalogue will soon be in the press, and I hope the same 
will be published in the course of this year. 

As I stated in my last year’s report, the books referring more 
especially to Natural History have been separated from the Library 
and handed over to the Museum Branch. It affords me special 
pleasure to inform you that this part of the Library is as extensive 
and up to the last researches of Natural History as an expert 
could desire. It requires now only to be classified and catalogued. 

In view of the approaching festivity of the Shanghai Jubilee 
year, the Council might take into consideration the advisability 
of our handing over the Museum with the Library attached thereto, 
to the Municipal Council in particular and to the Shanghai Public 
in general. 

Another part of our Library forms the books which do not deal 
with subjects on China or the Far East. The catalogues of these 
sections will appear later on. 

It is highly gratifying to note the very lively interest Societies 
abroad take in our working and in our publications. Over fifty 
of such Societies are exchanging with us their publications ; Part 
P. ‘‘Transactions of Learned Societies and Periodical Publications” 
forms the most important part of our Library. 



Again I have to express my regret that we find less sympathy 
with authors on Chinese subjects, who very rarely think of 
presenting to our Library a copy of their publications. 

Concerning the working of the Library, the number of books 
which were lent out in the course of last year amounted only to 
320. The rule V., m. Works of reference and certain rare 
and valuable books are not to be taken out of the Library building,’^ 
was strictly enforced. 

A classified index to the articles published in our Journals from 
the foundation of the Society to the end of 1892 will also soon 

I have the honour to remain, 


Your obedient servant, 


Hon, Librarian, 

To the President 

and Members of the Council 

of the China Branch of the 

Royal Asiatic Society. 



Minutes of Proceedings at a General Meeting held at the 
Societ’ifs Library^ Museim Road, Shanghai, on Wednesday, 
28th December 1892, at 9 

Mr. IT. J. Hannbn (President) occupied the chair. 

Mr. Hayashi, the Japanese Consul, and a number of his 
fellow-nationals were present. 

The Chairman, in opening the proceedings, said that Mr. T. W. 
Kingsmill had consented to read abstracts from the papers on Inland 
Communications in China, sent to the Society, and extracts from 
a paper on the so-called Eunes of the Upper Yenisei, read before 
the Canadian Institute by Professor Campbell of Montreal, with 
reference to the early connection of the Kitans with Japanese 

Mr. Kingsmill then proceeded to read extracts from the paper 
on Inland Communications in China, which is printed in extenso 
at pp. 1-213 of this volume. 

The Chairman remarked that he must take the opportunity of 
thanking those gentlemen who had assisted the Council by sending 
in replies to the queries set forth in the circular. He also wished 
to thank Mr. Kingsmill for the trouble he had taken in compiling 
the interesting paper which had been read to them. The papers 
would be of great service, and when printed would form as valuable 
a volume as any the Society had ever had. He quite understood 
that a summary like Mr. Kingsmill had read did not permit of 
any discussion or even of questions being usefully asked of the 
person who summarised them. He was therefore inclined to think 
that their simplest way would be to thank Mr. Kingsmill and 
those who had contributed the papers in the warmest manner, 
and to proceed to the other subject which Mr. Kingsmill had 
undertaken to bring before them that night. 



Mr, Kingsmill then said that in a meeting of the Society held 
there in March last, Dr. Macgowan, who had just returned from 
a tom* in the North of Asia, t(;ld them some stories with regard 
to certain inscriptions which occurred on the waters of the Upper 
Yenisei, and one of which it seemed he had seen himself. He 
described those remains as Runes, wdiich led to a very interesting 
discussion, more especially as it was known that the regions 
about the upper waters of the Jaxartes had been peopled about 
the dawn of history by certain Gothic tribes, and it was supposed 
that these remains certainly found on the Y'enisei were really 
allied with the Runic inscriptions so common in the Northern parts 
of Europe, and more especially in Scandinavia. He (Mr. Kingsmill) 
had found amongst the transactions of the Canadian Institute 
a highly interesting account of those inscriptions by Dr. John 
Campbell, Professor in the Presbyterian College of Montreal, 
portions of which he proceeded to read as follows: — 

A wonderfully interesting class of inscriptions, hardly known 
beyond scientific circles within the bounds of the Russian Empire, 
is that of the so-called runic monuments of Siberia, and notably 
of that part of it wdiich is watered by the Yenisei and its 
tributaries. Several years ago, Mr. Youferoff, of the Imperial 
Geographical Society at St. Petersburg, made, from all available 
sources published and unpublished, a collection of trustworthy 
copies of these documents, which I have in my possession, transla- 
tions of which will be found in my forthcoming book The Hittite 
Track in the East. But, in the winter of 1889, I had the 
satisfaction of receiving, from the Archaeological Society of Fin- 
land, a folio volume consisting of 52 pages of letterpress and 8 
photographs of inscriptions. Of the first part, 17 [)ages are taken 
up with a historical account of the discovery of the monuments, 
illustrated with 14 well-executed engravings ; the rest is a repre- 
sentation by the formulated syllabary of 32 complete documents 
awaiting the zeal of the epigrapher. Such a treasury of ancient 
Siberian lore never before lay open to the gaze of the historical 
explorer. The preface may be trusted to tell tlie tale of the book, 
which, 1 may say fgr the comfort of students, is written in French. 




The imporlitance, for the archaeology and history of Central 
Asia, of the inscriptions discovered upon raised stones and upon 
the rocks of the Upper Yenisei, has given to the Archaeological 
Society of Finland the thought of taking the initiative in collect- 
ing these inscriptions and in publishing tliem for scieiitilic ends. 
Although the work of collection is not yet completed, the Society 
has been unwilling to deprive orientalists of the inscriptions already 
brought together by the expedition formed for this purpose. This 
will also explain the incomplete state in which this publication 
appears. At the time of the work’s preparation, the need of 
possessing photographs taken directly from the inscriptions was 
deeply felt, for the squeezes made with prepared moist paper could 
only be made use of in the absence of anything better for the 
photographic reproduction of the inscriptions. For the same 
reason, in the text edited by Mr, J. R. Aspelin, State Arclueo- 
logist, who took the initative in collecting the inscriptions, and 
has taken part, as their chief, in the two expeditious, the writer 
has limited himself to speaking of the interest which the inscrip- 
tions have so far excited. After a first copy of the squeezes, a 
work in which Mr. Aspelin was able to take part prior to setting 
out upon the third expedition. Professor 0. Donner has kindly 
undertaken to charge himself with the task of publishing these 
inscriptions. . . . 

“ Exceedingly valuable as is Mr. xVspelin’s historical introduction, 
the most complete thing of its kind over undertaken, its numerous 
details can hardly be of interest to the general student. The 
first inscription discovered was on an upright dressed stone, sixteen 
feet in height, two feet wide and a foot thick, found on the 
borders of the Ouibat, a tributary of the Abakan, by D. G. Mes- 
serschmidt in 1781. Messerchmidt, a young naturalist of Dantzig, 
was then making a tour of exploration in Siberia by order of 
Peter the Great. In the course of his travels, he feel in with 
Captain Tabbert, better known by liis later title of nobility, 
Stralilenberg, and it is to the hitter’s work on the northern and 
eastern part of Europe and Asia that the world is indebted for 
an account of Messerschmidt’s labours. This work, containing 



representations of a few other inscriptions, was published in 1790. 
Little more was effected in the field of Siberian written monuments 
till the end of the century, when the Empress Catherine II 
ordered search to b.^ made for inscriptions, several of which were 
found and copied by Pallas in the editions of his NorcUscke 

Beitrage. From 1818 onwards, George Spassky, Superintendent 
of Mines, betook himself seriously to the task of collecting these 
documents, new copies of which he published in the Siherian 
Messenger^ and more lately and correctly in the Journal of the 
Imperial Geographical Society at St. Petersburg. Klaproth, Castren, 
and Prince Kostroff continued the work of exploration, but zeal 
finally died away ; and, according to Mr. Aspelin, from 18G0 to 1870 
nothing at all was done to rescue the ancient records. Since 1870, 
Siberian studies have revived in the hands of Messrs. Popoff, 
Adrianoff, Potanin and other explorers, through the museum of 
Minonsinsk, founded in 1874 byMartianoff; through the Bussian 
Archandogical Commission and Geographical Society ; and, far 
from least, through the Arch£Bological Society of Finland, and its 
indefatigable Director, Mr, Aspelin, whose published work brings 
the story of Siberian explorations almost to date. 

The Yeniseian, or, more generically, the Siberian, inscriptions 
are, with one obscure exception, that on a fragment of bronze 
plate supposed to have been a Chinese mirror, engraved upon 
stones and rocks, the latter almost always overhanging rivers or 
streams. They are written or unwritten, the first consisting of 
regular lines of apparently alphabetic characters, the second being 
pictograplis differing little from those depicted in many parts of 
the American continent. To the pictorial class, which has no 
-hieroglyphic connection whatsoever, the rock inscriptions chiefly 
belong ; but innumerable stones scattered over the once habitable 
area of Siberia contain representations rudely executed of men and 
animals, of hunting and pastoral scenes. Acts of individual 
warfare are sometimes portrayed, and illustrations of copper 
cauldrons with human figures dancing round them are supposed to 
connect with northern magic. A finer kind of sculpture, sometimes 
intaglio, but offcener in bold relief approaching the statuesque, 



appears generally in connection with the written character. When 
it represents the hnnaan features it was evidently intended as a 
portrait o! the occupant of the grave mound over which the stone 
that bears it was originally reared. Some sepulchral stones are 
void of ornament ; on others there are reindeer and other animal 
effigies ; and on others the portrayed face is so barely and gro- 
tesquely human that it may be regarded as an object of idolatrous 
worship. The number of stones engraved with written characters, 
accompanied or unaccompanied with other ornamentation, is pro- 
bably but little over forty, of which Mr. Aspelin figures thirty-two. 
It does not necessarily follow that all of these, whether found 
in a standing position or lying flat upon the surface of the ground, 
are sepulchral in character. Some contain Buddhist emblems, and, 
were I to anticipate the results of personal decipherment, it would 
appear that several of them are inscribed with proclamations 
relating to the worship of Gotama, which were probably engraved 
on portions of religious buildings that have fallen to decay. 

The Yenisei country is one of thick strewn mounds, mounds by 
no means so ambitious in size and variation of outline as many 
of those which are scattered over the Ohio and Mississippi valleys ; 
but, in so far as they are sepulchral, of the same nature, the 
chambered tumulus of Asia being identical witli that of America, 
even to its cinder layers, its log walls, and its birch bark coverings. 
The Russian arch geologists trace the continuity of the Siberian 
monnds and sculptures from the ancient Scythic region north of 
the Black Sea, through the Caucasus and the shores of the 
Caspian, onward to the Yenisei. Their conjectures as to the origin 
of the old civilisation these represent, and especially as to the 
derivation of the Siberian runes, have been numerous and varied. 
Much of Mr. Aspelin’s introduction is taken up with the history 
of these diverse theories. 

The language of the inscriptions being a priori unknown, the 
history they record a blank, without the aid of a bilingual, however 
brief, no guess work, ever so brilliant, could lead the student to a 
consistent lexical and grammatical interpretation of them in a well- 
known oriental tongue. That tongue is the Japanese, in a dialect 



varying bnt little from tlie written or literary speecli of the present 
day. The suggestions of Strahlenberg and other writers, that the 
Siberian characters are related to those of the Sinaitic and Etruscan, 
of the Parthian and Devanagari, inscriptions, and that they were 
carried by the Kitan in a modified form into Oorea, are justified by 
the linguistic and historical facts which all of these documents 
unfold, when the key that unlocks the door oi: long Siberian silence 
is applied in turn to them. 

Literal translation of No. XX ^ according to M» Yonferoff'*s 
version : — » 

Part I. j\fekiiha tohai : mito Meiome : ikit Mehiha 

Mekuba’s consort : king Metoine ; buries Mekuba. 

Kado : mi: toji tacJii : ahatta ha imi doJcu hvji tsitha 
door : behold : shut stands : defended may malice injury 
safe tomb, 

Sagota Yohahaine cJiijitashita : mo Shidzuta 
Sngota Yobakame ruler under : even Shidzut i 
Eaha mama JBuda : hai to guhumomi 
Paba people Budha: priest company learned 
Kelku kndatta 
grand has committed. 

Part II. I'a : giri ga fuju 

who : righteousness of bereft 

toji tsuha : saido tojihu 

closed tomb : a second time uncloses 

yame tohai: mito Sogota tsu — 

widow’s consort : King Sagota’s successor 

gi : mito Shidzuta hihiri helm de 

King Shidzuta hang should not. 

“ Freely : ‘ Mekuba buries king Metome, Mekuba’s consort. 
Behold: the di)or stands shut; may the tomb be kept free from 
injury, Sagota’fs subordinate ruler of Yobakami, even Shidzuta, lias 
committed the guardianship to the learned company of Budha’s 
priests of the Raba people. 



^ He, wlio, bereft of righteoiisness; forces open tlio closed 
tomb, the consort of the widow, the successor of King Sagota, 
King Shidzuta, ought he not to hang ?’ 

^^The full text of over twenty Siberian inscriptions, including 
those under consideration, will be found in my forthcoming work 
21ie Hittite Track in the East^ acconipanied by an account of the 
discovery of the phonetic values of the cdiaracters, and ample 
grammatical notes. I have, however, thought it wise to forestall 
the information therein contained, by appending lexical and 
grammatical notes to the inscriptions dealt with in this paper, using 
for that purpose Dr. Hepburn’s Japanese Dictionary and Mr. Aston’s 
Grammar of the Japanese Written Language, As tlie writers of 
the Biberiaii character were really the most important element that 
subsequently, in their descendants, occupied the Japanese Islands, 
it almost necessarily follows that their history has a place in the 
ffapanese annals, which, however, like most ancient documents 
dealing with the period of a nation’s infancy, are silent concerning 
the story of migration, although Japanese writers arc not wanting 
to derive their race from Northern India. For the history, there- 
fore, I make use of Titsingh’s translation of the Nipon 0 Dai Itsi 
Ran^ or Annals of the Emperors of Japan, In The Hittite Track 
in the East, this history will be farther elucidated by chronologically 
anterior data furnished by Indian Buddhist inscriptions and native 
liistories, and by materials contributed in the annals of the Chinese 
dynasties, and in the San Koki Tsn Ran To Sets, so far as it relates 
to the peninsula of Corea. 

‘^The oldest and most important royal name in the inscriptions 
which have been under consideration is that of King Sagota. In 
other inscriptions, he and his successors are called Kings of the 
Kita in various divisions, such as the Raba-kita and the Yoba-kita. 
These are the Khitan of the Chinese historians, who are said to 
have occupied Northern China from before the middle of the tenth 
century until 1123 A.D. One of the earliest Khitan emperors of 
China, from whose dynastic title Marco Polo picked up the name 
Cathay, was She-King-Tang, the founder of the sub-dynasty of the 
How-Tsin in 936* His successor was Tse-wang or Chuh-Tej and 



his, Le-Tsiing-e, who is called a prince of How. She- King- Tang, 
a brave genei'al and a wise administrator, adopted the name of 
Kaou-Tsoo. In more than one Siberian inscription, the successor 
of Sagota is called Dzuta or Sliidzuta, a name sufficiently like that 
of Ohuh-Te, the successor of 8hi-King-Tang, to demand attention. 
Tlie ancestry of Sbekingtang or Sheketaug is not given by the 
Chinese historians, who represent him as a man of low extraction, 
but his immediate predecessors were Mingtsung and his son Minte. 
It is very evident that the Leaou, Hows, and Khitan, under 
Sheketang and Ohuhte, are the people who, in the end of the fifth 
century, dwelt between the Obi and the Yenisei in Siberia ; but 
Sheketang and Chiihte belong, according to the Chinese annals, to 
the first half of the tenth century. Yet the Khitan were in Liaoii- 
Tung long before, for the liistorians of Corea state that they took 
possession of the northern part of that peninsula between G84 and 
G89, or 250 years earlier, although still 200 years later than the 
dated inscription of Sagato. The Khitan were strangers, invaders, 
and conquerors of China, whither they brought not only their 
customs, language, and religion, but also their annals, including the 
names of their former kings, Sagota and Dzuta. The Chinese 
historians, without question, copied the names of these and other 
kings, buried under Siberian tumuli, with some facts of their 
reigns, as if they had been rulers in the Celestial Empire, equally 
with their successors of four centuries later. There may, of course, 
have been a later Sagota with a son or successor Dzuta, named 
after those of Siberia, for the tendency of the Khitan is to repeat 
names of illustrious persons from generation to generation, hut the 
probability is that these Siberian kings are the Chinese Sheketang 
and Cluihte of the Khitan. 

A discussion took jjlace in which Mr. C. H. Dallas and 
Mr. Hayashi discussed the probabilities of the identity of Genghis 
Khan with the Japanese hero Mianomoto, and Mr. von Mollendorff 
contested the idea that the Hittites were identical with the people 
who left these runic inscriptions. 

The proceedings then terminated. 



Minutes of Proceedings at a General Meeting held at the 
Societfs Library^ Museum Road^ Shanghai^ on Monday^ 
21th February 1898^ at 9 p.m, 

Mr. N. J. Hannen (President) occupied the chair. There was 
a large number of members and visitors present. 

Mr. Z. N. VoLPiOELLi read a Paper entitled Early Portuguese 
Commerce and Settlements in China.’’ 

The Lecturer commenced by remarking that the early Portuguese 
settlements in China form an interesting study, as they mark the 
farthest advance of that European nation which led the way in 
the continuous movement of colonial and commercial expansion 
which has been going on for the last four hundred years, and 
which forms such an important factor in the modern history of the 
world. The cause of Portuguese expansion he ascribed to her 
geographical position in the West of Europe, pointing out that 
the other nations which had formed or attempted to form colonial 
empires — England, Spain, Holland, and France — were all similarly 
situated, but at the same time there was a difference in the 
origin of the Portuguese colonial empire compared with that of other 
nations. The others, even when most successful, as in the case 
of England, had expanded unconsciously, either seizing opportuni- 
ties which presented themselves or being driven to conquest by 
circumstances : they had never carried out a plan elaborated 
for years and persevered in against every discouragement and 
difficulty, though with the certainty that immense wealth would 
be the reward of success. Portugal started with a clear plan, 
though fraught with many difficulties, — the discovery of a new 
trade route, which she saw must give her for a long time the 
monopoly of Eastern commerce. This was a new departure in 
history. Hitherto all the products of further Asia had been 
brought to the European markets through the Red Sea and, the 
Persian Gulf, and the wealth and prosperity of the Italian maritime 
cities during the Middle Ages was owing to their monopoly 



of tlie carrying trade of these products in the Mediterranean. The 
genius of Prince Henry the Havigator inspired him with the 
bold plan of reaching India by direct sea-route round Africa, thus 
securing for Portugal not only the monopoly enjoyed by the 
Italians in the Mediterranean, but also that of the Arabs and 
Indians in the Indian Ocean. To this purpose nearly a century 
of unceasing exertion was sacrificed. Slowly but unceasingly they 
crept along the African coast, until at last the end of the continent 
was reached, and in 1486 the Cape of Good Hope was doubled. 
The curious alliance which the zeal of Portuguese explorers 
brought about between their own country and Abyssinia having 
been noticed, — the Lecturer remarking that he drew attention to 
it in a series of articles in the Italian papers about three years 
ago, — he proceeded to trace the rapid growth of Portuguese 
influence which reached Malacca in 1509, and in 1516 Cochin- 
China and Siam. The Portuguese were too hushed by success to 
care for casual losses incurred by local hostility, and too well trained 
by their trials of a century to fear any enemy they might encounter, 
and they continued their explorations and mercantile adventures. 
Their possession of Malacca, which was thoroughly conquered by 
Dalboquerque iu 1511, at once opened up relations with China, 
both private and public. The sagacity of Dalboquerque arranged 
matters in such a way that the first reports about the Portuguese 
in China should be of the most favourable description ; they had 
shown great valour against their powerful enemies, and a generosity 
towards weak strangers which must have seemed extraordinary 
to the Chinese accustomed to the violence and hostility of the 
Malays. Events that followed soon proved the wisdom of Dalbo- 
querque’s conduct. When the Portuguese took Malacca, the king 
fled to the kingdom of Pao and sent an ambassador to the Court 
of Peking asking for succour from China on account of the 
sincere friendship between the two countries. The fall of Malacca, 
then the great commercial port of the East, had caused an immense 
sensation throughout all the neighbouring States, so that when the 
ambassador reached Peking, after a long journey overland from 
Canton, he was subjected to long questioning about the Portuguese, 



their greafe Viceroy, and their mode of fighting. He was able 
to give a fall account of the whole war, as he had been an eye- 
witness ; but all his eloquence in describing the affronts his master 
had received from the Captain of the King of Portugal was 
insufficient to obtain an army and fleet to reinstate his sovereign. 
The Emperor of China determined to keep on good terms with 
the Portuguese, because they had treated his merchants kindly, 
and intended to allow them to trade in Malacca. As time 
went on the intercourse between the Portuguese and Chinese 
in China became of the most friendly nature, and would have 

continued but for the inconsiderate actions of men whose 

conduct destroyed all the good effects of the policy of Dalbo- 
querque. In 1518 Simao de Andrade arrived at Toraao, and 

the end of his conduct was that the Chinese fleet blockaded the 
Portuguese force, and would have starved them into submission 
if a gale had not enabled the latter to run the blockade in 1521. 
The bad conduct of this official ruined negotiations which if carried 
out would have obtained official sanction from the Emperor to 
trade between China and Portugal. 

After narrating the nature of the negotiations which the 
representatives of Portugal sought to carry through at Peking, 
the Lecturer said that the bad conduct of Simlio de Andrade 
at Tamao and the sea-fights which ensued did not prevent 

Portuguese vessels from frequenting it a later date. The 

Portuguese were impelled to open settlements at Chinchew 
and Niiigpo. They did this not only from the desire to 
open new channels of trade, but also to remove at such a 
distance from Tamao that they should not be affected by the 
reports of the past misconduct of their own countrymen. The 
principal trading stations at that time were three — in the South, 
successively Tamao, Lampacao, Macao ; in the north Liampo 
(Ningpo) ; and about half-way between them, Chinchew. 

The remainder of the paper was occupied with a description 
of life as it was in China, and an attempt to show that 
although more than three centuries had passed yet many 
things were unchanged. The principal authority discussed was 



F. M. Pinto, whose reputation for veracity was described as 
very bad. On the ground that even works of fiction are 
often of some historical value, as they show the current of 
thought of the time, the Lecturer went carefully through the 
extraordinary story of Pinto, teeming as it did with tales of piracy, 
land and sea-fights, and adventures romantic to a degree. Pinto 
describes the settlement of Liampo (Ningpo) in glowing terms. 
He says there were 3,000 people in it, among which were 1,200 
Portuguese ; that 300 were married to Portuguese and half-caste 
wives, that there were more than 1,000 houses, some of which 
cost 3,000 or 4,000 crusadof^, and seven or eight churches ; two 
hospitals, on which they spent every year 30,000 cnisados, Japan 
had only been discovered two years, and Liampo monopolised 
the trade with that country, which was very profitable, in fact 
money employed in it was doubled three or four times over. He 
estimates the trade at three millions of gold. A regular adminis- 
Iration was established, and he gives the titles of a lot of officials. 
The Portuguese were so independent that Pinto is astonished, 
and remarks that the public scriveners in their acts used to 
write “ And I, so-and-so, Public Notary in this city of Liampo, in 
the name of the King, our Lord,'* just as if they were living between 
Santarem and Lisbon. If Pinto’s description is correct, Liampo 
must have been the Shanghai of the sixteenth century. Ih fact 
ho says it was considered a nobler and more wealthy place than 
any in India or all Asia. Now all this, according to him, was 
wiped out by the Chinese in five hours. But it is strange that 
although he says he was an eye-witness of the disastrous end 
of this flourishing place, and he describes minutely so many other 
of his personal adventures, lie gives us no particulars of what he 
was doing on that occasion. It is only more than fifteen years 
after that time, while he is describing the flourishing state of 
Macao, that he reverts to the subject as a moral lesson to those who 
might feel too confident in their new settlement at Macao, 

In conclusion the Lecturer said : — Though we cannot believe that 
F. M. Pinto was present at the burning of the Portuguese settle- 
ment at Liampo, nor accept his version of it, yet it looks likely 



that there may he some kernel of truth in it. Da Cruz says 
that a fleet was sent in 1548 to drive away the Portuguese, and 
probably later on they achieved their purpose; it was quite 
sufficient to stop trade to render the place an undesirable residence 
to the merchants, and we may believe that though there was 
some bloodshed, no such carnage took place as Pinto wishes us to 
believe. As we know that the mandarins agreed to concentrate 
foreign trade in 1554 at Lanipacao, and in 1557 at Macao, it is 
probable that the Portuguese were driven away from Liam])o 
and Chinchew some time before these dates. Such events would 
cause sensation among the traders and adventurers of the Far 
East, and P. M. Pinto felt probably that he must be present at 
such an important event, and therefore assigns it to the year 1542. 
When he was so long at Liampo, it would not do for him 
to miss such an adventure, and be worked up a dramatic description 
of the catastrophe. The adventures of F. M. Pinto, marvellous 
as some of them are, must be considered to have generally a small 
substratum of truth, and to be based if not on what he saw or 
did on what he heard others had seen or done. Taken in such 
a light he gives us a picturesque view of the life of those times, 
and if we reflect we shall find that in most cases we can find a 
modern parallel to all he describes. Even the last mad enterprise 
of A. de Faria, which cost him his life — his expedition to rifle 
the tombs of the Emperor of Cliina — has something to match it in 
our times, for not many years ago here in Shanghai, at the 
instigation of pious missionaries, with the assistance of princely 
hongs, Oppert fitted ,out his expedition to rob the tombs of the 
Kings of Corea. 

Minutes of PnocBBDiNGs at a General Meeting held at the 
Society‘s s Library^ Museum Boad^ Shanghai^ on Wednesday y 
26th April 189 By at 9 

Mr. K. J. PJannen, .who presided, announced that the only 
business to transact, before calling upon, the Lecturer, was to 
j;.nn ounce th^t Mr, Sofioruberg had been elected u meiuber, 



Mr. Z. H. VoLPiOELLi delivered a lecture on ^^Arab Trade in 
China during the T^ang Dynasty” (9th century), with an account 
of the country as given by those early travellers. 

The Lecturer, speaking extemporaneously, reminded his audience 
that a short time ago he gave an account of the early Portuguese 
traders in China, and he now proposed to go back and speak of a 
much earlier period, when the Arabs traded with China. We were 
apt sometimes to think that we were almost the first who had been 
in China, just as we sometimes thought when we came across a fact 
nnknowm to us, that we were tlie first to discover it. The first 
])roofs of Arab trade with China dated back to the 5lli century, 
the principal port from which it was conducted being on the 
Euphrates at a point now no longer navigable. x\fterwards the 
starting-point of Arabian trade shifted successively to Basrah, AI 
Siraf, and later on to Ormuz. The trade eastwards rapij.i]y 
extended, and the accounts we had of the trade in the 9th century 
were from an interesting manuscript in two parts, which was 
translated by the Abbe Eusebins Renandot in 1718. It wa.s a 
fairly good translation, but, as the manu.script could not be found 
for a long time, people began to doubt its existence, until it was 
discovered some fifty years later : another translation was compiled 
in 1815 by ReinancL Of the first part of the. manuscript we could 
not tell the author, but the second part we knew was written by 
Abu Zeid Hasaan of Siraf. The Lecturer then proceeded to 
endeavour to locate the ports of call mentioned in the manuscript, 
contending that if attention were paid to the statements as to the 
time occupied in passing from one to the other, we could gain a 
very fair idea of their approximate positions. The ports of call 
extended along to Cochin-China and then northwards, and he 
thought they might identify Khaiifu, the great Arabic trade port in 
China, with Hangchow Fu. The travellers give a very detailed 
account of China, as well as of India and the islands of the Soutli 
Indian Archipelago. The first author, speaking of the climate of 
China, says it is very good and far healthier than India. The 
country is more populous, and whilst he found many desolate places 
in India he did not notice the sam^ in China. He speaks of 



the large rivers, and the moisture of the climate, matters which 
would naturally strike a native of the dry atmosphere of Arabia. 
He says the people are very hue-looking, and very white, an 
impression which the traveller might have formed as a result of his 
wanderings amongst the darker natives of India. The dress of the 
Chinese he describes as being silk, both the poor and rich being 
clothed in that material, and he was very much struck by the 
number of articles of clothing they wore. He says that the people 
wore five or more dresses ; that they were a black-haired race — in 
fact the darkest haired race in the world ; the men let their hair 
grow long, and did not wear turbans ; the women did not wear any 
head-covering, but they usually indulged in a number of combs, and 
he had seen as many as twenty. Like a good Arabian the writer 
regrets the absence of palm-trees, and he mentions the absence of 
lions and elephants, and considers the Chinese horses superior to 
those of India. There were two hundred principal cities, each 
having many smaller ones administratively dependent on them. 
The cities, he says, have generally four gates, and he makes some 
curious remarks upon tlie cities, stating that each gate is provided 
with five large trumpets, which are blown day and night to 
announce the hour. The peculiar construction of the houses is 
remarked upon. They are of wood or bamboo and, on account of 
the frequency of fires, have no steps or staircases, so that the 
contents can be easily removed. The houses are also furnished 
with boxes on wheels, and when a fire breaks out the household 
articles are put into them and they are run out of the house. 
The food of the people consists largely of rice, but not exclusively. 
They have no wines, but they make a spirit from rice, which of 
course is what we know as samsliiL The people, he further says, 
eat all kinds of animals, and also those which had died. The 
writer is one of the few mediaeval writers who mentions tea, and 
describes the plant. He notices that the people are not very 
clean, and says they never perform any of the ablutions of the 
Mohammedans. The marriage customs strike him as peculiar, and 
he speaks of the noise made by the beating of drums and musical 
instruments during the ceremony. Speaking of the burial customs 



he remarks upon the long time they keep the corpses, and notices 
the extraordinary care they have in performing the funeral rites, 
and the long time of mourning, which is generally three years. 
He adds — but perhaps it is a slight exaggeration — that those who 
do not grieve constantly for the loss of their parents are bambooed. 
Polygamy is practised, and he says that the expenses incurred over 
funerals frequently ruin people. The great skill of the Chinese as 
workmen is spoken of, and lie goes so far as to say they are the 
most skilful people on earth. He says that when any workman 
accomplishes a new kind of work, which he tliinks worthy of 
consideration, he presents it to the king (or governor) and the work 
is exhibited for a certain period. If nobody can find fault with it, 
the workman is rewarded, and he is entered in the corporation of 
artists. As an instance the writer says that a workman executed 
a most beautiful piece of embroidery, representing a bird resting on 
some corn. It was put on exhibition and admired for some time, 
until a hunchbacked man came to see it and began laughing. 
Asked the reason of his merriment he said that everybody must 
know that if even the smallest bird rest on an ear of corn it would 
bend, but here the corn was quite straight. The criticism was 
found to be just, and the workman received no reward. Nearly 
everybody could read and write, and there were public schools where 
the people gained instruction. The peculiar coins are described, 
and he says they are strung on strings in bundles of a thousand, 
with a knot tied at every hundred, to facilitate counting. When a 
man cannot pay his debts, all his property is seized for the benefit 
of his creditors, and all debtors have to pay what they owe the man. 
If the bankrupt reveals all his belongings, and is found not to have 
concealed anything, or to have handed over any property to others 
for keeping, he is released, but if he is discovered acting fraudulently 
he is punished by death. Describing the punishments of the 
Chinese, he says that they have a peculiar one, wliich consists in 
fastening the hands and feet behind the culprit’s back, so that he 
becomes very much like a ball. He is then rolled about until his 
joints are dislocated, after which lie is bambooed and left to die. 
The fondness for gambling is a peculiar characteristic, but the 


people are generally sober : they have little or no knowledge 
of science, and their mode of medicine is principally cauterisation. 
The Emperor lives in seclusion, (nly going out every ten months, 
the reason being that he thinks respect is gained by fear and 
mystery. When the officials go out they are preceded by men 
beating pieces of wood, which is a sign to the people to retire into 
their houses. The administration of justice is carried on by written 
statements, and he describes its working. The only taxation is by 
a poll-tax, every man on attaining the age of 18 being liable. 
When a man reaches 80 years of age not only is he exempt from 
further taxation but be receives a small allowance from the 
Treasury, as a matter of right. The Arab merchants in Khanfu 
(which, as already mentioned, the Lecturer ai’gued was Hangchow 
Fu) were allowed to have their own judge and composed a self- 
governing body. This was the account given by the first author. 
The second writer mentions that in the year of the Hegira 2GT 
(A,D. 877) this happy state of things had been changed by a 
great rebellion which had broken out, The rebels rapidly gained 
aid and, attacking Khaiifu, destroyed the mulberry trees, and 
caused a scarcity of silk in the district. The Emperor fled to 
Chengtu, but with the help of the Tartars, returned and crushed the 
rebellion. The carnage at Khanfu when it was destroyed is 
described as very great, some 120,000 persons being put to the 
sword. In concluding, the Lecturer pointed out that the greater 
part of what this Arabian author had written on the subject 
corresponded with the Chinese accounts of the insuiTcction of 
Hwang Ch^ao of the T‘ang dynasty. This gave good grounds for 
believing all the rest. He thought the records he had spoken of 
might be regarded as having really wonderful accuracy. He hoped 
to be able to give a translation of the author, for although the 
existing translation was a good one yet it might be improved. 

Mr. KiNGSMiLn was inclined to differ with some conclusions the 
Lecturer had come to with regard to the identity of some of the places 
mentioned. At the time of which the Lecturer had been speaking 
Hangchow as a port might be regarded as non-existent, and he 
himself inclined to the belief that Khanfu corresponded with Canton. 



Mr. VoLriCELLi replied that Canton was mentioned by other 
Arabian authors, who gave it another name, and he did not think 
the distances mentioned in the manuscript of which he had been 
speaking would agree with Mr. KingsmilFs contention. He also 
pointed out that according to the second Arab author the siege of 
Khanfu took place in the year 264 of the Hegira, which commenced 
on the 18th September 877 (N.S.) and would extend far into 878; 
and the Chinese historians mentioned the taking of Hangchow by 
the rebel Hwang Ch‘ao in the 8th moon of the 5th year of Hsi 
Tsung (A.D. 878). This chronological agreement was strong proof 
of the identity of Khanfu and Hangchow. 

Mr. Playfair remarked that one argument in favour of Hangchow 
being Khanfu was that at one time it was the capital of the empire, 
whereas there was no record of Canton being the capital. 

Mr. James Soott added that at the present time there was a 
large Mahommedan community in Canton, which had kept itself 
quite distinct. Within the last few years the better class Mahom- 
medans had taken them up and were endeavouring to raise their 

The proceedings then terminated. 




Minutes of Proceedings at the x4.nnual Meeting held at the 
Society's Library, Museum Road, on Thursday, 2Sih June 
1894, at 9 p.m. 

Mr. N. J. Hannen (President) occupied the chair. 

The Chairman, in proposing the adoption of the reports and 
accounts, congratulated the Branch upon being in a better financial 
position than last year. The credit balance at present was 
Tls. 423, and at the beginning of the year it was Tls. 132.91. The 
balance in the hands of the Treasurer on account of the Museum 
was Tls, 707, but there was a debt on the Museum of Tls. 500, so 
that in reality there was only Tls. 207 at credit. The Museum 
having been placed in a better position than it had been for some 
time, and being looked after by someone who took an interest in 
it, would be able to show good work, and it was hoped that the 
Municipal Council would grant Tls. 1,000, instead of Tls. 500, as 
they did one year, and that the Museum would thus be worthy of 
the Settlement and the Branch. 

Mr. Yolpioelli seconded the various reports and accounts, 
which were unanimously adopted. They were as follows : — 


1. — Council, — The following members of Council and office- 
bearers were elected at the annual meeting held in 1892 under the 
presidency of Chief Justice N. J. Hannen : — 

President : — 'N, J. Hannen. 

Vice-Presidents : — P, G. von Mollendobfp and Dr. J. Edkins. 
lion. Secretary: — Z. Yolpioelli; Hon, Librarian: — J. Ritter 
VON Haas ; Hon, Curator of the Museum: — D. C, Jansen; Hon, 
Treasurer : — Thos. Brown. 

council’s kepobt. 


Councillors : — T. W, Kingsmill, Jambs Scott, John Maogkbgob 
and Dr. Frankb. 

Daring the course of the year several changes have taken place. 
The Council had the misfortune of losing one of its members, the 
much-regretted Mr. Macgregor, In his place was elected Dr. Faber, 
who has rendered so many services to sinology in general and to 
our Society especially. The Hon. Curator, Mr. Jansen, having 
repeatedly declared his inability to give sufficient time to the 
Museum, the Council with great regret had to appoint a successor. 
It was fortunate in securing the assistance of Mr. Vosy-Bourbon, 
whose zeal and assiduity have already done much for the Museum. 

2. -^Memher8 : — Twenty-one new members were elected during 
the year, and only a few names of members, from whom nothing 
had been heard for a long time, were struck off the list. 

3. — Meetings ’: — In the course of the year four public meetings 
were held, and the following papers read : — 

Popular Lecture on the Oriental Congress, by Dr. Edkins. 

Stray Notes on Corean History and Literature, by J. Scott. 

Prehistoric Archaeology, by Dr. Edkins, 

Synopsis of How to Awaken Faith in the Mahay ama School, by 
tbe Rev, Timothy Richard. 

4. — Journal : — Part II of Vol. XXVI has been published in the 
year under review and Part III is already printed and will shortly 
appear. It is well to call attention to the Index of the Society's 
Publications, compiled and brought up to date by the Hon. Librarian, 
Mr. von Haas. It forms a valuable portion of Part II and will be 
found of great assistance to all who wish to refer to the many 
subjects which have been treated by our Society since its foundation. 

5. — Officers’^ Reports : — The Hon. Librarian has been unable to 
present his yearly report for the annual meeting, owing to Ms 
sudden departure for the capital and to the length of time required 
for the report this year, as Mr. von Haas after much painstaking 
labour has completed the new Catalogue of the Society’s Library, 
which will appear in Part III. The Hon, Curator of the Museum 



gives a full and detailed account of the state of that institution and 
of the necessary improvements it requires. The Hon. Treasurer’s 
report is very satisfactory ; under his able management the finances 
of the Society continue in a flourishing condition. 

Shanghai, 20th June 1894. 


Hon, Secretary, 



Hon. TpwEasurer’s Report, 

I have the honour to present my audited accounts for the year 
ended 30th April 1894. The balance to the credit of the Society 
is Tla. 423.33. The amount received from the sales of the Society's 
Journals shows a satisfactory increase. The expenditure under the 
heading of “ Additions to the Library ” is made up chiefly by the 
cost of binding some 400 volumes. 

The ]\fuseum . — The usual grants have been received from the 
English and French Municipal Councils. The loan from the 
Recreation Fund has been reduced by Tls. 1,000. The balance at 
the credit of the Museum now is Tls. 707.83. 

Thomas Brown, 
Hon, Treas, 
C,B,R,A,S, ^ Museum, 


For the year ended April 30th, ISSd. Cr. 



A. W. Danfoeth. Hon. Treasurer C.B.R.A.S. # Museum. 

J. P. Donovan. 

Br, For the year ending Agiril 30iA, 1894. 





0 0 
r-< 0 »0 

0 0 
0 0 

-tH 0 00 

CO 0 00 

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1 — i 0 l>* 

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C£> CO rH r-i 

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t— I 

CM »Q 0 
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. Danforth. Bon, Treasurer G.B.B,A,S, ^ Museum. 



Hoh. Curator’s Report. 

Tlie length of time elapsed since the resignation of my valuable 
predecessor, has deeply affected the Museum, and its diffic\ilties are 
not yet removed. All our efforts to get out a taxidermist from 
Australia or from Japan have proved ineffectual, and the only 
way left open to us with our small resources is to train a Chinese ; 
this is at the same time the most practical plan, as we could send 
him more easily to collect in the country. 

In any case such a man is necessary for the routine work of 
preserving the collection ; the scientific supervision alone is heavily 
taxing the spare time of an honorary officer, and certainly a paid 
curator will be indispensable if there is any success in tlie projected 

But this seems distant, as the interest in the Museum has been 
very weak in the last year, recent accessions being very few indeed. 
The contributors therefore deserve the more to be mentioned. We 
can name Messrs. W. Lay (Ohinkiang) and Douglas Jones (Shanghai) 
who have sent on several occasions what they thought interesting 
for us, also Messrs. Starkey, G. Corner, W. Mesny, etc. etc. 

We hope, however, that our programme of technologic collection 
will be favourably received and attended to. 

The damages done to the collections by insects are considerable 
and now quite apparent, as the warm and wet weather accelerated 
the hatching of the eggs, and this could not be checked in time in 
the absence of a skilled caretaker. The Mammals specially have 
much suffered from tinea pidlucida and anthrenus lepichs which 
rendered half the specimens useless. The groups of herons also 
have been attacked. 

Since I took charge in January, a catalogue of birds has been 
prepared, and we are adding now the Chinese names, which is a 
laborious task. After clearing the worst, we are left still with 
493 specimens, representing 245 species, but very few duplicates. 



The good collection of butterflies has been revised and about 750 
specimens (representing 22 species new for the Museum) were 
added by purchase or exchange. 

As soon as possible all the labels will be renewed, but in the 
majority of cases it is a pity that the names of donor and locality 
were lost or never affixed. This is a point much commented on in 
the visitors’ book, -and indeed it is concealing the value of numerous 

Another complaint of anyone interested in the institution is the 
absence of the most elementary reference books, which makes the 
specifications impossible in many cases, but this means a con- 
siderable amount of money. 

If we are supported by the public in the proportion to our 
usefulness, we hope to present next year a better situation. 

H. Vosy-Bourbon, 

Hon, Curator. 

Shanghai, 19th June 1894. 




Hon. Librarian’s Report. 

Shanghai, 15th June 1894. 


In my last report I had the honour to submit to you 
concerning the working of our Library during the year 1892-93. 
I announced that a new Catalogue was in course of publication. 

This Catalogue has meanwhile been distributed among the 
members. It comprises only publications referring directly or 
indirectly to the Far East, which numbered, up to 31st December 
1893, 1,325 various books, besides 67 Chinese and 3 Maiichu 

I beg to enclose a list of Addenda which came in during the 
course of this year, and which, considering they are donations, 
I ara glad to say represent a higher number than ever achieved 

I hope iu the course of this year to have arranged the Library of 
our Museum, and to have then a separate Catalogue of it printed. 

I have the honour to remain, 


Your obedient servant, 


ITon. Librarian. 

To the President and Members of the 

Council of the China Branch of the 
Royal Asiatic Society. 


C. V. 

1326. 9. — Eecherohes sur FOrigine de FAbaque Chinois et sur la 
derivation des anciennes Ficbes k calcul par A. Vissiere, 
Extrait du Bulletin de Geographies 1892. Paris, Ernest 
Leroiix, 1892, ppt. 8vo (28'pag.) 

E. II. d. 2. 

1327. 25. — ^NTingpo to wShangbai in 1857. [Via the borders of 
An-'whni Province, Hoo-cliow Foo and the Grand Canal.] 
By William Tarrant. Canton, ‘^Friend of China, 1862, 

E. VI. h. 4. a. 

1328. 166. — Ein Ausfiug nach Hanglschau. Von B. R. A. 
Navarra. Shanghai, 1894, 8vo. 

E. VI. h. 6. 

1 329. 3. — Note Historique siir les diverses esp^ces Monnaie 
qui out ete iisites en Coreo par M. Maurice Conran 
Extrait du Journal Asiatique. Paris, Imprinii Nation,, 
1893, ppt. 8vo (24 pag ) 


1330. 53. — Charles Lowe’s Catalogue of Books, etc, Birming^ 
ham, 8 VO. 

1331. 54. — H. Welter. Librairie universitaire, fran^aise et 
etrangere, ancienne et moderne. Paris. 

Catalogue mensuel, 8vo. 

No. 70, 74-76. 1894. 

1332. 55. — Karl W. Hirsemann, Bucbhandler imd Antiquar, 
Leipzig. Katalog. No. 137, 141, 

Pibliographie. 1894. 



F. L 6. 

1383. 8 . — R. Istituto Orientale in IN'apoli. 

VOriente. Rivista Trimestrale. 

Anno L 'Ho, 1 . 1 Gemiajo, 1894. 

F. L 

1334. 4. — ^West Siberian Brancli of the Imperial Russian 
Geographical Society. St. Petersburg. 

Report for the year 1883. (In Russian), ppt. 8 vo. 

G, IL 

1335. 37. — Lehrbegriff des Confucius nach Jp? ^ ISfj 

von Ernst Faber. Honghong, Clu Oatcpp ^ Co, 1874, 870 . 

C. IV. 

1336. 33. — River Temperature. Part I. Its daily changes and 
method of observation. By H. B. Guppy, M.B. lEepnnted^ 
February 27th, 1894, from the Proceedings^^ of the Royal 
Physical Society of Edinburgh, Vol. JOT.] ppt, 8 vo (17 

G. VL 

1337. 41. — The Evolution of the Chinese Language as exemplify- 
ing the origin and growth of human speech by Joseph 
Edkins, D.D. \_Reprinted from the “ Journal of the Pehing 
Oriental Society, 1887. | London, Triibner & Oo , 1888, 
8 vo. 

1338. 42. — Chinese Currency. By J. Edkins, D.D. London, 
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner ^ Co., 1880, ppt. 8 vo (29 

E. IL d. IL 

1339. 26. — Die Reise S. M. Schiffes Zriny ’’ nacli Ost-Asien, 
1890-1891. Verfasst auf Befehl des K. und K: Beichs- 
kriegs-ministeriums, Marine-Section, unter Zugrundelegang 
der Berichte des K. und K : Schiffscommandos und 
ergiinzt nach Consularberichten und andern authentischen 
Quellen von Jerolim Freiherrn von Benkp, Wien, Carl 
QerolJs Sohn, 1893^ 8 vo, 



E. IV. 

5-1340. 42. — Paul, tlie Apostle in Europe, a Guide to our Mission 

Work in Asia. Bj Rev. Ernst Faber, Er. Tlieol, Shanghai, 
Amer. Preshyt. Mission, 1891, 8vo. 

E. VI. B. 4. a. 

1341. 167. — Modern China : thirty-one short Essays on subjects 
which illustrate the present condition of the country. By 
Joseph Edkins, E.D. Shanghai, Kelly ^ Walsh, Ld., 
1891, ppt. 8vo (55 pag.) 


1342. 56. — Asher & Co., London. 

Circulars of Books on sale. 

F. I. e. 

1343. 9. — Societa Asiatica Italiana. Firenze. 


Volume Prime. 1887. 

F. /. h. 

1344. 5. — Societe des Naturalistes de la l^Touvelle Russie. Odessa. 

Memoires, Tom. XVIII, Xo. 1. 

Section Mathematique: 

Memoires. Tom. XV. 

F. II. a. 

1345. 22. — National Academy of Sciences. Washington. 
Memoirs, 4to. Volume VI. 1893. 

F. III. a. 

1346. 20. — Liceo Cientifico, Artistico y Literario de Manila 
Revista. Aho III, No. 4, 18 Setieinbre 1881. 

D. I. a. 6. B. a. 

1347. 29. — A Chinese-English Dictionary by Herbert A. Giles, 
bound in 3 vols. ^ London, Bernard Quaritch; Shanghai...... 

Kelly ^ Walsh, Lim., 1892, 4to. 

Part 1. — A to Hu. 

Part IL — Hu to Shun. 

Part III.‘ — Shun to Yiin, 




1348. 57. — 1894. Asia. A catalogue of Books (ancient and 
modern) relating to British India, Central Asia, China, 

Japan,... etc. including books on History, Geography 

Offered by Francis Edwards, Bookseller. London, sm. 
8vo (3G pag.) 

1349. 58. — Die Weltliteratur. Eine Liste mit Einleitung von 
P. G. von Molleiidorff. 

Shanghai,, 1894, sm. 8vo. 

(7, III. 

1350. 18, — L’Industrift de la Sole en France par M. Natalis Rondot. 

Lyon, Mougin-Rusand, 1894, 8vo. 

J9. II. A. 

1351. 24. — Anecdotes, Historiettes et Dons Mots, en Chinois parle, 
publids pour la premiere fois avecune traduction fran(;aise et 
des notes explicatives par Camille Imbanlt-Huart. Feking^ 
Tipogra 2 ')hie du Fei-t^ang ; Faris^ E.Leroiix*, 1882, l2mo. 

D. II. B. 

1352. 36. — Poesies Modernes. Traduites pour la premeire fois 

dll Chinois, accompagnees du texte original, et d’un com- 
mentaire qui en explique les principales difficultes, par 
C. Imbault-Huart. F eking ^ Tipograpkie du Fei-fang; 

Faris, E. Leroux ; 1892, 8vo. 

E. IL D. 2. 

1353. 27. — Le Royaume de I’Elephant Blanc, quatorze mois an 
pays et k la cour du Roi de Siam par Charles Bock. 
Traduction franpaise par Andre Tissot. Tours, Alfred 
Marne et fils, 1889, 8vo. 

E. VI. h. B. 

1354. 23. — — Histoire de la Oonquete de 
la Birmanie par les Chinois sons le rogue de Tpienn Long 
(Kien Long), traduite du Chinois par M. Camille Imbanlt- 
Huart. — Extrait du Journal Asiatiqiie. Faris, Imprimerie 
Nationale, 1888, ppt, 8vo (48 pag.) 



E. VI. h. 4. a. 

1355. 168. — Deux Insurrections des Malioraetans du Kansou 
(1648-1783). Rccit traduit du Chinois, par M. Camille 
Imbault-Huart. Extrait du Journal Asiatique, Paris, 
Imprimerie Nationals, 1890, ppt. 8vo (36 pag.) 

1356. 169. — Ministere de V Instruction puhlique et des Beaux- 
Arts, — Comite des Travaux liistoriques et scientifiques , — 
Bulletin de GeograpMe historique et descriptive. — Histoire de 
la Conqiu^e de Formes e par les Cliinois en 1683. Traduifce 
du Chinois et anno fee par M. Imbault-Huart. Paris, 
Ernest Leroux, 1890, ppt. 8vo (60 pag.) 

1357. 170. — Le Pays de Hami ou Kliamil ; description et liistoire 
d’apres les auteurs chinois par M. C. Imbault-Huart. 
(Extrait du Bulletin des Travaux liistoriques et scientifiques) 
(Section de GeograpMe, annee 1892), Paris, Ernest Leroux, 
1892, ppt. Hvo (74 pag.) 

1358. 171. — Le Journal et le Journalisme en OMne par M. 
Imbault-Huart. Conference faite a la Ire. Section de la 
Societe de Geographie commerciale. {Extrait du Bulletin, 
Tome XV, No. 1.) Paris, 1894, ppt. 8vo (31 pag.) 

1359. 172. — Varietes Sinologiques Wo, 5 . — Pratique des Examens 
Litteraires en Chine par le P. Etienne Zi (Sin), S.J. 
Chang-hai, Mission catholique, 1894, 8vo. 

1360. 31. — The Eastern Bimetallic League, 1894. 

A Bimetallic League in Shanghai. 

E, VL b, 6. 

1361. 4. — Korea. Marchen und Legenden nebst einer Einleitung 
iiber Land und Leute, Sitten und Gebniuche Koreas. 
Deutsche autorisierte Uebersetzung von H. G. Arnous. 
Mit 16 Abbildg. im Text nach Originalphotogr. u, dem 
Korean. Nation alwappeu. Leipzig, Wilhelm Friedrich (1894), 



F. I. e. 

1362. 8. — Societa d’Esplorazione Commerciale in Africa. Milano. 

L’Esplorazione Commerciale e I’Esploratore. Viaggie 

Geografia Commerciale. — Bollettino. 8vo. 

Anno TX. Maggio-Liiglio. Fasc. V-yil. 

1363. 9. — R. Istituto Orientale in Xapoli. 

VOrienU, Revista Trimestrale. 8vo. 

Anno Ij Xo. 2. Aprile, 1894, 

F. //. 

1364. 23. — Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and 
Art, New York. Annual Report. 8vo. 

Thirty-fifth. May 2Gth, 1894. 

1365. 24. — Geographical Society of California, San Francisco, 
Bulletin, 8vo. 

Volume II, Double Number. May, 1894. 

Special Bulletin. Did the Phoenicians discover America ? 

A paper by Thomas Crawford Johnston, Esq, 1892. 

F. III. c. 

1366. 42. — Prospetto delle ricoyerate e delle opere di carita 
esercitate nello Stabilimento delle Figlie della Carita 
Conossiane in Han-kow (Hu-pe) China 1892. Bergamo^ 
Cattaneo, 1893, 4to. 


ic ^ ^ 3 vol. 

Studies in the Old Testament. 1892. 
By Rev. Ernst Faber, Dr. Theol, 

M RT ® H 3 vols. 

Markus. 1874. 

By Rev. Ernst Faber, Dr. Theol. 
5 TOls. 

Ciyilisation. 1893. 

By Key. Ernst Faber, Dr. Theol. 

C. 68. 

C. 69. 

G. 70. 



<7-71. 1 vol. 

Anthropological Studies, 1893. 

By Rev. Ernst Faber, Dr. Theol. 

C. 72.-Rebel Books. :*C ^ ^ gl--® ^ T, 

H ^ iS- 

¥ m ¥ m 

m-yz T ;l IS m ^-h ^ m- 

Upon the proposition of Mr. Donovan, seconded by Dr. Fryer, 
the officers for the year were chosen as under : — President, 
Mr. N. J. Hannen ; Vice-Presidents, Mr. P. G. von Mollendorffi 
and Dr. Edkins; lion. Secretary, Mr. Z. Volpicelli ; Hon, Librarian, 
J. Ritter von Haas ; Hon, Treasurer, Mr. Thomas Brown ; 
Hon, Curator of Museum, M. Yosy-Bourbon ; Councillors, Mr. T. 
W. Kingsmill, Dr. Faber, Dr. 0. Franke, and Mr. James Scott. 

This concluded the business of the Annual Meeting, and 
Dr. Edkins then proceeded to read his paper on The Oriental 
Congress, as follows : — 

The theatre of the London University in Burlington House was 
chosen for the larger meetings of the Ninth International Congress of 
September 1892. The sectional meetings were held in adjoining rooms 
which at other times are usually occupied by various learned Societies. 
They were accessible, some of them, by way of Regent Street and 
some from Piccadilly. There would be about two hundred delegates 
and members present to hear the opening address of Professor 
Max Miiller at 11 o’clock on 5 th September. He is iii vigorous 
health, is 69 years of age, and is in great honour for his learning, 
ability, industry, and animation of style. In his address he said 
that the languages of the Aryan stock in India and Europe could 
be considered finished at about B.O. 2000, and had then a metrical 
form. He considers that the mother-tongue of these languages, 
the Proto-Aryan, as he calls it, may be referred to some such date 
as B.C. 10,000, somewhere in Asia. Some features of it we know 
may be as old as that. The discoyerers Of that mother-tongue 



deserve our gratitude as mncli as Columbus aiid his companions do 
for the discovery of the New World, 

In speaking of the Aryans, the Egyptians, and the Semites in 
their mutual relations, the orator took pains to show that iliey 
should not be regarded as growing up in a state of isolation. The 
art of writing connected them. China was on the other hand a 
jieffectly isolated country. The people have always been different 
from their neighbours in thought, in language, and in writing. 
China has been a perfectly isolated country, and has been inhabited 
by a peculiar peojple. 

Professor Max Muller carried out the same idea when speaking 
of India before the invasion of Alexander the Great. India grew 
up in isolation anddeveloped her own ideas. The ancient literature 
of India and China is homespun and home-grown and thus forms 
an independent parallel to all the other literatures of the world. 
The religion and philosophy of India came upon us like meteors 
from a distant planet, perfectly independent in their origin and 
character. When they agree with other religions and philosophies 
they inspire us with the same confidence as when two mathematicians 
working quite independently arrive at the same results. 

These are the Professor’s words, but what are the results of 
special researches in Chinese, Persian,' Babylonian, and Egyptian 
Philosophy ? I believe it will be found necessary to regard this 
view as different from the opinion of not a few of those members 
of the Congress who have given attention to comparative 

The art of writing was in existence in India, and possibly came 
from the West, as the President himself tells us, before tbe time of 
Alexander’s invasion^ in tbe Sutra period. The Confuciaii early 
philosophy taught the Persian dualism. The Taoist religion, as 
developed by Laotze, reveals Indian features. Th'er- Chinese written 
characters are really of Babylonian origin, as many now believe in 
Europe and in China. Then, as to the monosyllabic nature of 
Chinese speech, it does not stand alone in this feature. The’ Sanscrit Xtitemture, p. 615. 


Tibelan, Siamese, Burmese, and Cnclun Chinese languages are also 
monosyllabic. Nor do the Chinese stand alone in speaking with 
tones; these neighbour languages possess tones and must be allowed 
to bear a sisterly relation to the Chinese. In China and in India 
the ancient mode of writing numbers was from left to right, giving 
a value of ten for example to one if written one place to the left 
and 100 if it is written two places to the left. This economy in 
writing numbers was in existence before Alexander’s conquest, and 
the principle of local value involved was Babylonian. Mathematical 
knowledge spread from Mesopotamia to the East and in the nations- 
of that part of the world where commerce flourished taught the 
trader this principle. In the West, Egypt, Greece, and Home failed 
to take hold of it till the Arab conquest, when it was introduced 
into Europe for greater couvenience in writing and in calculation 
and gladly accepted.^ This principle of local value was assumed 
to be Arabian and Indian, but in fact it went from Mesopotamia 
to India and then returned westward to Arabia and so to 

JSucIi facta disprove the theory of isolation in my opinion. Be- 
sides we have evidence in the mythology of the Vedas. Yaruna is 
the same with the Greek Oceauos viewed as a very ancient god* 
Agni, God of Fire, or Vesta, is the son of Ormuzd. Mitra, the Sun 
God, is in Persian Mithras. Yama, the Hindoo God of Death, is the 
Persian Jemsliid, an ancient King of Persia who preceded Zoroaster. 
Trade by land and sea conveyed a knowledge of foreign mythologies 
by means of the pictorial art. The early Assyrian empire, the 
Babylonian empire, and the Persian empire, all had a marked eflect 
in spreading knowledge. It was the impact of new ideas which 
woke up the power of philosophic thought in India, and led the 
Brahmin intellect to elaborate the Nyaya, the Vedanta, the Sankhy a 
and the Buddhist systems of thought. 

It was the establishment of powerful and peaceful empires 
combined with the spread of enlightenment that led to distant 

* Tlie year 1803 written in Boman numerals requires ten letters instead 
of four. ’• 



voyages and travels. Trade sprang np when war and robbery 
ceased. Where the king’s writs run and are respected, there 0001 - 
merce,, agriculture, manufactures, and education are .in a state of 

By such causes it came about that the India of the Assyrian and 
Persian age became quite different from what it was in the time of 
the Yedas, In the age of Solomon, for example, there was peace 
far and wide. Egypt was powerful and Solomon was in alliance 
with Egypt. Trade on the ocean was active, and ideas were capable 
of being communicated. After Alexander the Great many Greek 
words were introduced into Indian mathematical treatises, and the 
Hindoos began to write dramas, like those which they had seen 
performed by Greek actors. But even before Alexander, in tlie age 
of Persian influence, the tradition of the Deluge, the tritheistio 
idea of God, pictures and statues of the gods, and maps of the 
world, found their way to India from Babylon and so afterwards 
from India to China. 

The learned Professor’s theory needs to have this correction applied 
to it in order to make it agree with the facts of the case. Professor 
Max Miiller’s statements in regard to the entrance of Buddhism 
into China in his presidential address were not commented upon by 
anyone. I will do so now briefly. 

He said that Buddhism reached the frontiers of China B.C. 217, 
and was accepted by the Emperor Ming-ti, B,C. Cl, as one of the 
state religions of China. This must be a misprint for A.D. In 
fact Buddhism began its career in China at the latter date. It was 
long after that time that Buddhism became a state religion. In the 
history of the Three Kingdoms it does not rise to the dimensions 
of a state religion. This is plain even from the novel The Three 
Kingdoms^ which indeed speaks more of Taoism than of Buddhism, 

Professor Max Muller drew an interesting parallel between the 
battles of Marathon, Salamis, and Thermopylae and the conquest 
of India by Buddha. This seems to show, as his writings also 

* The newspaper reports of the meetings were in several respects in- 



indicate, that he has formed a very favourable opinion of the 
beneficial effects of the Buddhist religion, as if its advance was in 
fact a great moral and social victory. To have had a discussion on 
this point would have been most interesting. It would have brought 
up the whole question of the benefits conferred on Asia by Buddhism 
as a subject of debate. In China we see that the Confucian 
morality is stronger than that of Buddhism. Buddhism has a 
moral code for the shorn monk, but it is the Confucian morality 
which controls the actions of the general population and constitutes 
the national standard of appeal. Further the monkish institute is 
opposed to the family relationship, and this works ill in many ways 
and has a deleterious effect upon society. 

When the President said Buddha is still the ruler of the majority 
of mankind he made a statement which may be objected to. The 
Clnnese do not consider him their ruler. He is only ruler of 
thought to his own adherents in Chinn, Japan and Corea. In all 
these countries Confucius is much more their ruler of thought than 

The view given by the President of the early world is that it 
consists of three ages. The first age tells us the fates of the Aryan 
and Semitic races as compact confederacies before their separation 
into languages and historical nations. The second age is that of 
the wars and conquests of Egypt, Babylon, and Assyria. This 
second age included the progress of eastern culture on its path to 
the west on the shores and islands of the Mediterranean. The 
third age is the wars of Alexander and the effect of Greek culture 
ou Asiatic countries as far as India. 

Here it was assumed that both the Aryans and Semites were 
compact races before the growth of the Mesopotamian and Egyptian 
civilisation. It would have been interesting to discuss this question. 
The opinion of M. Terrien de la Coiiperie was stated to be tliat 
ideographs were first invented in China and conveyed from thence 
to the west, where they originated the cuneiform writing. I find, 
howevei", that M. Terrien de la Couperie when stating his own 
views holds that the civilisation of China is younger by two or three 



thousand years -at the least than the great civilisations of antiquity, 
now lost, of Chaldea and Egypt. He has written many articles 
showing that tlikis his opinion, such as The Tree of Life and the 
Calender. Plant of Babylonia and China,” and the B Origin from 
Babylonia and Elam of the Early Chinese Civilisation,” which last 
year was still unfinished. He says also that the comparative 
evidence and chronological correspondences now at our disposal 
show beyond possibility of doubt that a large ariionnt of notions and 
institutions, with religious, social, and scientific traditions, had been 
carried to China, not later than the 23rd century before ChiLst, 
from Chaldea and Elam. 

Probably then Professor Max Miiller has mistaken Profes.sor 
Terrien de laConperie, who says in one place the Chinese civilisation 
is the ‘^oldest in the world in existence but not in history, and it 
derives from this fact a great deal of a special interest mixed with 
diffidence and prejudice in favour of its isolation.” He has sp ken 
in this way but he is really in favour of the opinion that China was 
the receiver of knowledge from the West. 

The Rev. 0. J. Ball, who in addition to a great -knowledge of 
Semitic languages has also studied Accadian closely, has of late 
years attended to Chinese, and he read an interesting paper at the 
China section upon tlie connection of Chinese and Accadian. He 
is one who holds that the great Asiatic nations did not grow up in 
isolation. With him may be mentioned here Professor Ilommel of 
Munich who has specially studied Semitic languages, and is now 
occupied with Accadian. He intends to study hlongolian and is 
now busy wi^h Chinese. I came into friendly relations with both 
these scholars, and can speak without hesitation in regard to the 
views they hold. They hold the ultimate unity of the great systems 
of language. Professor Hommel believes for example that many 
Aryan roots are identical with Semitic and Turanian roots. To say 
this is what many of the most renowned philologists of Germany 
will not do. But a new era appears to be dawning. An English 
school of Chinese philology is springing up, and if to the study f?f 
Chinese bo added the comparative study of Tibetan and Mongol^ the 



issue does not appear doubtful. Philology will accept the yiew that 
the Yocahularies of all the Asiatic systems of language are ultimately 

Mr. Gladstone made a contribution to the Congress of which the 
title was Archaic Greece and the East. It was read by the Presi- 
dent, who gave it a qualified approval. The author said that Homer 
had an energetic and methodical conception of the obligations of his 
country to the East. In Achilles we have a superb projection of the 
strictly Hellenic character magnified to the utmost point consistent 
with poetic probability. In the epithet Hellenic is conveyed that 
wonderful receptivity